George Bush Sr. Thinks His Son Hired a Bunch of Fools
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>
Thursday, 05 November 2015 14:01
Pierce writes: "I'm beginning to think that Jeb (!) Bush's entire stumbling presidential campaign is really only part of a general family operation to clean up the reputation of C-Plus Augustus. (It sure doesn't seem to be about electing the Jeb!ster president.)"
Dick Cheney, Condoleezza Rice, George W. Bush, and Donald Rumsfeld. (photo: Getty)
George Bush Sr. Thinks His Son Hired a Bunch of Fools
By Charles Pierce, Esquire
05 November 15
He has harsh words for Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney, who are basically on Bush family retainer.
t seems that Poppy Bush sat down with Parson Meacham to hash out Poppy's life. And who could be a better wingman for the job than the Parson, who's made a lucrative business out of the Great Man Theory of American history? In the course of their discussions—which, alas, have led to a book-like object—the elder Bush has some harsh words for a certain former secretary of defense of his casual acquaintance.??
"I think he served the president badly," Bush told Meacham, Peter Baker of the New York Times reported, quoting the book. He added: "I've never been that close to him anyway. … There's a lack of humility, a lack of seeing what the other guy thinks. He's more kick ass and take names, take numbers. I think he paid a price for that." (Rumsfeld resigned as secretary of defense in 2006 after conditions in Iraq deteriorated. He declined comment about the biography to Fox News.) Bush also said Vice President Cheney was very different from Secretary of Defense Cheney. Cheney served under Bush 41 for four years, including during Operation Desert Storm. "He just became very hard-line and very different from the Dick Cheney I knew and worked with," Bush reportedly told Meacham, speculating that 9/11 had affected Cheney's views. "Just iron-ass. His seeming knuckling under to the real hard-charging guys who want to fight about everything, use force to get our way in the Middle East.
I'm beginning to think that Jeb (!) Bush's entire stumbling presidential campaign is really only part of a general family operation to clean up the reputation of C-Plus Augustus. (It sure doesn't seem to be about electing the Jeb!ster president.) First, Jeb (!) tries out The Great Mulligan on stage, and everybody points and laughs. And now, here comes Poppy, explaining how his layabout spalpeen was misled by the two family retainers he'd hired. And, curiously, here comes Poppy also to explain how Good Dick Cheney fell under the spell of the "real hard-charging guys," as though Cheney wasn't an executive-power bondage freak for his entire public career.
(Read the minority report of the special committee on Iran-Contra, written by aides to none other than Congressman Dick Cheney of Wyoming. Its historical resonance will curl your hair. Come to think of it, we I-C obsessives are very interested in seeing if the Parson lets Poppy skate again on his involvement in the scheme.)
It's hard to imagine recent American history without the involvement of the Bush family and its assorted hangers-on, coat-holders, and sycophants. But, goddamn, it's nice to try.
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=33264"><span class="small">Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, TIME</span></a>
Thursday, 05 November 2015 11:50
Abdul-Jabbar writes: "Had he decided to dedicate his post-retirement life to promoting STEM education across the country, he would have been a model for the American ideal that anything is possible. However, he chose to run for president of the U.S., and that's bad for African-Americans."
Ben Carson. (photo: Scott Morgan/The Washington Post)
Ben Carson Is Terrible for Black Americans
By Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, TIME
05 November 15
Is he a success story? Yes. Would his presidency be an unmitigated disaster? Yes
ow that Ben Carson is the leading GOP candidate, the doctor is under a lot more pressure, not just as a candidate, but as a representative of African Americans. The lifelong burden of a minority is that they feel as if everything they do or say reflects not just on their own character, but also on how the rest of their group will be judged by the ruling majority. Jon Stewart satirized this truth on The Daily Show with “Is This Good for the Jews?” in which he assessed how news about prominent Jewish people reflected on all Jews.
Would President Ben Carson be good for African Americans?
Ben Carson is good for African Americans in that he is a deeply moral man who has done much good as a physician and now wants to upsize his good-doing on a national and global scale. His success story is the stuff the American Dream is made of and is motivation for others to follow his path. His accomplishments as a medical doctor are admirable and serve as an inspiration for young black men and women seeking a career in science. His measured, even groggy demeanor, commands attention and respect. Had he decided to dedicate his post-retirement life to promoting STEM education across the country, he would have been a model for the American ideal that anything is possible.
However, he chose to run for president of the U.S., and that’s bad for African-Americans. His repressive, muddled and pious policies and opinions often run against our Constitution—but his questionable proposals will likely, thankfully, be doomed by his lack of political expertise. His presidency would be marked by even worse gridlock while he wastes his time trying to impose his narrow and sometimes ill-informed morality on the other 319 million people in the nation. And it would definitely not be good for African Americans to have a president who flounders helplessly in office because it would perpetuate the stereotype that blacks can’t be effective CEOs, quarterbacks and leaders.
Although Carson is a celebrated physician, he has expressed several opinions that are contrary to scientific evidence and therefore call into question his logic—a quality crucial in a president. His claim that sexual orientation is a choice is remarkably unscientific. He has argued that “a lot of people” in prison change their sexual orientation. As many people have pointed out, sexual behavior is not the same as orientation. Plus, studies indicate the most significant causes of sexual orientation are genetics and in utero hormonal exposure. According to the American Psychological Association, “most people experience little or no sense of choice about their sexual orientation.” For a physician to ignore the preponderance of scientific proof in favor of his own religious beliefs is dangerous because is it justifies enacting laws that restrict human and civil rights. Carson has since apologized, but we should never forget that pseudo-science was used to prove blacks were physically and mentally inferior to whites and to justify slavery.
But Carson’s opposition to science doesn’t stop there. Global climate change is a major issue affecting the future of human life. International conferences take place in order to determine how quickly this process is proceeding, and studies show that 97% of actively publishing climate scientists conclude human activity has caused climate warming. Yet Carson says he has not seen “overwhelming science” that proves climate change is manmade. This head-in-the-sand approach could prove disastrous to the country’s survival, never mind the Earth’s. This comes on the heel of his refutation of the Big Bang theory based on the second law of thermodynamics; physicists responded by explaining that Carson misunderstood and misstated the actual law. His judgment as a man of science was also compromised last February when he blamed an outbreak of measles on illegal immigrants from South and Central America; the Centers for Disease Control concluded that the strains were genetically similar to those found in the U.S., Europe, and Asia. Further, there was no way of knowing whether it came from an immigrant, legal or not, or from Americans traveling abroad or even just from here.
Again, when an elected leader ignores testimony from 97% of the world’s experts, renowned physicists and the CDC, we have to question his decision-making abilities. Carson perpetuates the black stereotype of someone who’s too confused or frightened by all that complicated science so he or she ignores it, clinging to superstitions or religion. Obviously, white politicians have been making the same buffoonish claims, but they aren’t representative of a minority struggling to achieve equality.
The president often advocates for the kind of educational system we should have. President George W. Bush’s No Child Left Behind had a devastating effect on education that we are now changing. President Barack Obama recently called for less testing in school because the focus on mandated testing has taken away from classroom instruction. Education reform is especially important for the black community because of the overwhelming evidence that black children are not receiving the same quality of education as white students. A 2014 U.S. Education Department survey concluded that students of color in public schools are punished more and receive less access to experienced teachers than white students. The same study shows this leads to lower academic performance for minorities, putting them at greater risk of dropping out of school. At the same time, education is under attack by people wishing to rewrite history. McGraw-Hill textbooks in Texas referred to slaves as “workers” who immigrated to the U.S. rather than were kidnapped. Ben Carson, who defers to his religious faith in the face of scientific evidence, does not seem like a strong advocate for quality education.
It’s also alarming to hear Carson refer to black Americans as unable to think for themselves because they disagree with him. “I think black Americans over the course of this next year,” Carson said, “will begin to see that they have been manipulated very, very largely.” This statement implies that blacks have been manipulated but not whites because they don’t have the same intellectual capacity to resist.
A Carson presidency would also be a direct attack on the health of African-Americans: he equated the Affordable Care Act to a form of slavery. Between 2013 and 2014, Obamacare reduced the number of uninsured blacks from 24.1 percent to 16.1 percent. It also funded community health centers, where African Americans make up nearly 25% of the patients, to the tune of $11 billion. This is a matter of life and death, not political posturing. Black Americans have a life expectancy about five years shorter than white Americans. If you’re black, you have a higher chance of dying than whites in eight of the top 10 causes of death. Black deaths from cancer are much higher than white deaths. Blacks are twice as likely to be diagnosed with diabetes than whites. Yet Carson’s own health-care plan, which he proposed last week, is vague and lacks substance. According to the Washington Post, “it would neither expand access to health care nor improve quality, nor save a whole lot of money.” But it would get rid of the Affordable Care Act.
Actually, poverty is the form of slavery that is most insidious in America, and it is perpetuated by institutional racism, which Ben Carson seems to deny exists. African Americans are particularly hit hard by poverty: 38.3% of black children lived in poverty in 2013. Yet, Carson insists that the black community must resist government handouts that have made us a welfare state. He praises blacks in history who have pulled themselves up by their own bootstraps to make something of themselves despite harsh circumstances. He further states: “We must not allow their sacrifice to become meaningless by allowing ‘do-gooders’ to replace the chains of overt racism with the new chains of dependency, low expectations, victimhood and misdirected anger.” What makes this rallying cry so disingenuous is the fact that his mother received government assistance while he was growing up, which he acknowledges was crucial. The government gave him free eyeglasses as a child, which improved his grades. In his book, Gifted Hands, he says, “By the time I reached ninth grade, mother had made such strides that she received nothing but food stamps. She couldn’t have provided for us and kept up the house without that subsidy.”
In 2014, a United Nations Human Rights Council questioned U.S. delegates about what they claimed were continuing racial discrimination against African-Americans and other minorities in jobs, housing, education, health care, and the criminal justice system. U.N. experts concluded that segregation in the U.S. “was nowadays much worse than it was in the 1970s” and that “some 39 million African Americans are particularly affected by structural racial discrimination in the United States.” If Carson refuses to acknowledge institutional racism, then it is unlikely he will do much to alleviate the problem.
Founding Father Thomas Paine, in support of the American Revolution, said, “These are the times that try men’s souls.” The trying times haven’t changed because America by its nature is always in the midst of social revolution. We are always striving to do better for our people by fulfilling the promise of a democratic Eden here and now. How we participate in that revolution determines who we really are. These are the times when all Americans need a champion willing to fight hard to fix the problems that affect people from all walks of life, not deny or ignore them. Ben Carson is not that champion.
Minority of One, a documentary on Abdul-Jabbar’s life and career, premieres Nov. 3 on HBO Sports.
Bernie's Revolution Can Help Us Take the Democratic Party Back
Thursday, 05 November 2015 09:46
Galindez writes: "Almost a year ago I wrote an article called 'We Can Take the Democratic Party Back.' The comment section was full of skepticism. Eleven months later, we are closer to that reality than anytime in the last 30 years."
Senator Bernie Sanders. (photo: ABC News)
Bernie's Revolution Can Help Us Take the Democratic Party Back
The comment section was full of skepticism. Eleven months later, we are closer to that reality than anytime in the last 30 years. We are not there yet and we have a long way to go. There is, however, a path in front of us and a leader showing us the way to victory.
Imagine Debbie Wasserman Schultz putting together a platform committee that will meet the approval of the nominee of the Democratic Party, whose name is Bernie Sanders. Imagine a platform that is approved by a convention with a majority of delegates supporting Bernie Sanders.
It can happen if we all roll up our sleeves and work to get Bernie Sanders elected. I have been in Iowa for nine months now, and everywhere I go I see signs that Bernie is going to win. I see Bernie buttons on cashiers in checkout lines, and anytime I have Bernie gear on people compliment it.
When I cover various political events, a lot of the crowd is usually undecided or checking out the candidate. Not at Bernie events, where the crowds are excited and committed to the Bern.
I can make no promises here, we have a long way to go, but there is a better chance for us to take control of the Democratic Party than there is to make a third party viable in our lifetime. Yes, we could lose it back to the corporatists as fast as we gain control, but the reward is worth the risk.
It is always an uphill battle to unseat entrenched power, but we have not had a better chance to wrest power from the corporate Democrats than we have today. The various grassroots efforts that are backing Bernie can have a long-term effect if we focus some energy on taking back the party.
We should be packing Bernie’s delegate slates with progressives who are tired of the corporate influence in the party. We need to stop complaining about Debbie Wasserman Schultz and position ourselves to choose the next DNC chair.
The organizations are forming already – Grassroots for Bernie, People for Bernie, Bernie 2016 TV ... If we band together with groups like Progressive Democrats of America and Democrats for America with the focus on taking back the Democratic Party, we could ride a Bernie Sanders victory to a takeover of the party that groups like the Democratic Leadership Council stole from us decades ago.
As Bernie says at every rally, Think Big! It is time to take down the machine.
I can hear many of you saying the system is rigged, we can’t beat them. They count on us believing that. They count on us surrendering power to them. Of course they have rigged the system in their favor, but part of what they count on is us staying on the sidelines and accepting whatever crumbs they throw our way.
It’s a machine we are up against, but again as Bernie says in every speech, if we stand together there is nothing we can’t accomplish. We may fail, but we guarantee failure if we don’t try. I understand people’s skepticism, the system has beat back every other attempt. Maybe this time it is different. Some of you are saying, we believed Obama and look where that got us. Barack Obama did NOT run against the establishment. Barack Obama turned his grassroots organization over to the DNC the day he got elected. Bernie won’t do that. His campaign is a movement whose role continues the day after he is sworn in.
What do we need to do? Join the political revolution and get involved in the local party organizations. I remember when I was in Miami, the local party there was in gridlock because they couldn’t get a quorum to meetings. If a bunch of progressives had joined and gotten active they could have taken over the Miami-Dade Democratic Party.
Volunteer on the campaign, run for delegate, volunteer in the various grassroots groups popping up to support the revolution. Run for office.
In the words of Frederick Douglass, “Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will.” And remember, Victor Hugo was right: “All the forces in the world are not so powerful as an idea whose time has come.”
So we can continue to complain or we can stand up and fight. Our time has come, if we seize it.
Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace
and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott will be
spending a year covering the presidential election from Iowa.
Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.
Hillary's 2007 Hot Mike Blunder and Why It Matters Today
Wednesday, 04 November 2015 15:06
Davidson writes: "What would it mean if something like the 2007 Clinton and Edwards plan was enacted today, and the front-runners in the G.O.P. race got together and swept away the single-digit guys? Currently, only Donald Trump, Ben Carson and Marco Rubio would be in the race, with Ted Cruz almost in the running. Jeb Bush would be long gone."
Democratic presidential hopefuls Hillary Rodham Clinton and John Edwards during a forum at the N.A.A.C.P. convention, in Detroit, on July 12, 2007. (photo: Paul Sancya/AP)
Hillary's 2007 Hot Mike Blunder and Why It Matters Today
By Amy Davidson, The New Yorker
04 November 15
n the evening of July 12, 2007, at the end of a Presidential candidates’ forum hosted by the N.A.A.C.P., in Detroit, John Edwards loped across the stage to Hillary Clinton and whispered in her ear. Her microphone, which apparently hadn’t been turned off, caught him saying something about the approaching fall, and then, more clearly, “We should try to have a more serious…smaller group.” Clinton, in a canary-yellow pantsuit, nodded, and added to the lament:
Clinton: Well, we’ve got to cut the number, because they are just being trivialized.
Edwards: They are not serious.
Clinton: No.
Any possibility that she was just humoring Edwards was removed when she followed him back to his podium and added, “You know, I think there was an effort by our campaigns to do that, that got somehow detoured. We’ve got to get back to it, because that’s all we’re going to do.” After a brief interruption occasioned by the passing of other candidates (“Thanks, Barack…Thanks, Dennis”), she ended with an emphatic, “Our guys should talk.”
The idea that “our guys should talk” and do something—anything—to bring order to a chaotic field of candidates may hold some attraction for the Republican Party this time around. There has been amazement that the field still stands at fourteen (or sixteen, if you count broadly). When the exchange between Clinton and Edwards took place, the Democrats had eight candidates, and that seemed like a lot, even though it was four months earlier in the cycle than it is now. In thinking about why the Republicans’ numbers have somehow not been winnowed, and the possible risks in forcing that question, the Edwards-Clinton exchange is instructive, too.
At the time of the forum, Clinton was in first place in the polls, with numbers in the high thirties, and Edwards was in third, polling in the teens. They were both “serious”: Clinton was a senator and a former First Lady; Edwards was a former senator and the 2004 Vice-Presidential candidate (he hadn’t yet lapsed into National Enquirer absurdity). In between them, in second place and polling in the twenties, was freshman Senator Barack Obama, followed by a single-digit panoply of Dennis Kucinich, Bill Richardson, Joe Biden, Chris Dodd, and, not quite registering statistically, Mike Gravel. When the hot-mic video came out, the “not serious” candidates, particularly Kucinich and Gravel, were understandably angry: there was talk among their supporters of an establishment conspiracy. Obama, though, with numbers that would put him at the top of the G.O.P. field now, wasn’t going to be brushed away.
What would it mean if something like the Clinton and Edwards plan was enacted today, and the front-runners in the G.O.P. race got together and swept away the single-digit guys? Currently, only Donald Trump, Ben Carson and Marco Rubio would be in the race, with Ted Cruz almost in the running. Jeb Bush would be long gone. (Even through 2012’s odd moments, like the brief Herman Cain spike, Mitt Romney’s numbers never fell so implausibly low.) The establishment bid for seriousness seems to be to keep the field broad enough to encompass its credentialed but low-performing candidates. When several of the candidates’ guys talked this weekend about the structure of the debates, the idea was not to get a smaller group but to perpetuate a large one. (Ryan Lizza has more on those discussions, from which Trump, notably, withdrew, and which may be breaking down.) What is a “gotcha” question, after all, but an attempt to identify disqualifiers, and get the numbers down? Megyn Kelly, of Fox News, correctly characterized the candidates’ various requests for improving debates, which include giving them approval over onscreen graphics and room temperature, by asking if they also wanted “foot massages.” What they really seem to want is for someone to keep massaging the poll numbers. The idea seems to be for everyone to keep hanging on until, miraculously, the Trump-Carson dynamic fundamentally changes. But how?
To say that Trump and Carson are not serious candidates is to say that the Republican electorate is not serious. And that judgment, despite the hollowness of the candidates’ ideas, is unfair in one important way. As George Packer writes in this week’s magazine, the Republican Party has failed to respond to the real concerns, fear, and even desperation on the part of many of its traditional voters. Trump’s support is the product not of frivolity but of pain. How profound that pain might be can be seen in another set of numbers, distinct from the political race, about the rising and unexpected mortality among white, middle-aged men without a college degree. They are dying more not because of obesity or heart disease but because of suicide and substance abuse—the physical manifestations of, among other things, disquiet and displacement. The numbers in the study, carried out by Princeton University economists, caught public-health professionals by surprise. If nothing else, the study shows that there are deep pools of unhappiness in this country that the experts don’t understand. Someone has to speak to that.
At the 2007 forum, the Clinton and Edwards theory seemed to be that without the distractions of the fringe-candidate circus, Obama’s flimsiness would seem obvious, and voters would focus on which of the two of them they preferred. The limitations of their notion had become clear by the time it was effectively a three-person race, and they lost. (In the 2008 Iowa caucuses, Obama won thirty-eight per cent, Edwards thirty per cent, and Clinton twenty-nine.) Indeed, watching the open-mic video now, the most pertinent point is that neither Edwards nor Clinton was, ultimately, the Democratic Party’s nominee. Then and now, it can be hard to tell who is serious.
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=5494"><span class="small">Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News</span></a>
Wednesday, 04 November 2015 13:23
Weissman writes: "Rethinking the neo-cons and liberal interventionists will help us sharpen our opposition to both."
George W. Bush awarding Irving Kristol the Presidential Medal of Freedom. (photo: Getty)
Rethinking the Neo-Con Threat
By Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News
04 November 15
s Barack Obama deepens US intervention in both Syria and Iraq, the idiocy that George W. Bush began continues to destabilize the Middle East. Many observers, myself included, have blamed neo-cons for the disaster. Why? Ask the neo-con David Brooks, now a columnist at The New York Times. “Con is short for ‘conservative,’” he famously wrote. “And neo is short for ‘Jewish.’”
Some critics, Brooks thought, blamed the neo-cons to lay an unpopular war in the lap of the Jews. Why not? Libeling Jews or Zionists is old hat, and surprisingly popular among many would-be progressives. Just browse the comments here at Reader Supported News.
Being Jewish and of the 1960s New Left, I carried a different kind of baggage. I had begun battling the godfather of neo-conservatism, the late Irving Kristol, when he was still lionized as one of America’s leading liberals. A number of us at Berkeley knew his history. An ex-Trotskyist from City College of New York (CCNY), he had seen World War II as little more than a conflict between competing imperialisms, showed little concern over Hitler’s war on Jews, and had little time for Israel. Then, in the early 1950s, he and poet Stephen Spender co-founded and co-edited the highly influential British-based magazine Encounter, which promoted the Cold War in the most sophisticated way.
Our battle with Kristol and his politics became up-close and personal. During the Free Speech Movement, we continually tripped over his ideological soul mates, sociologists Nathan Glazer and Seymour Martin Lipset, who red-baited us and actively worked with university president Clark Kerr to try to split our ranks. When a very disgruntled Lipset left for Harvard, I very publicly – and most unkindly – hailed his departure as one of FSM’s major contributions.
Kristol himself remained an even more enticing target. My comrades and I struggled against his acolytes in SDS. We slammed his increasingly conservative writing in Commentary. We read and rebuffed his new magazine, The Public Interest, which he co-founded with Daniel Bell, author of “The End of Ideology,” a paean to precisely the technocratic thinking we had fought against at Berkeley. We then felt vindicated when Ramparts revealed that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had founded, funded, and run the Congress for Cultural Freedom, including Encounter, its flagship propaganda sheet. Irving Kristol had made his peace with the empire early on, and had gotten a paycheck for doing it.
We fought him, but we never won. Kristol became one of the country’s most influential public intellectuals and a favorite of Ronald Reagan. As the neo-con journalist Irwin Stelzer tells it, “Reagan joked at a dinner that anyone wanting a job in his new administration should call the White House and say: ‘Irving sent me.’ No further vetting would be required.” It seemed to work, as Irving’s friends helped create Iran-Contra and swallowed hard as Reagan worked to bring détente with Mikhail Gorbachev and the Soviet Union.
Irving’s greatest victory was still to come in the charmed political career of his son, William Kristol. Boasting little more than a Ph.D. in government from Harvard and a well-placed daddy, young Kristol served as chief of staff to Reagan’s highly ideological education secretary William Bennett and to Vice President Dan Quayle, whose missing brain he became. Once the Democrats returned to power, William Kristol led conservatives in killing Clinton’s health care proposal. He created the leading neo-con newsmagazine, The Weekly Standard, getting funding from Rupert Murdoch. Then in 1997, he joined with historian Robert Kagan to create the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), Washington’s most vocal promoter of going to war against Iraq’s Saddam Hussein and those non-existent weapons of mass destruction.
For me, as for most progressives, this was clearly the dragon we needed to slay. But having fought these guys too long, I failed to give sufficient attention to four elements of the story that could now prove crucial.
First, I misunderstood the role of the neo-cons, as did many other writers. While ten of the 25 people who signed PNAC’s founding statement went on to serve under George W. Bush, only two of them had real power, Vice-President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. Corporate CEOs in oil services, pharmaceuticals, and defense, they were consummate Washington insiders and old-fashioned right-wing nationalists. Along with Bush, they were the imperial potentates, the deciders who set policy on Iraq and other possible targets of regime change. None of the three were neo-cons.
The other eight PNAC signers, neo-cons like Cheney’s man Scooter Libby and Rumsfeld’s deputy secretary of defense Paul Wolfowitz, were underlings, subordinates, and advisors. They were the handmaidens of empire, the B-list.
Second, while most neo-cons were Jewish and Zionist, Kristol and Kagan were far more committed to American than to Israeli power. Their goal was “to promote American global leadership,” and a “benevolent global hegemony,” as they called it in a 1996 article in Foreign Affairs. We should never excuse Israel and its lobbies all over the world for constantly beating the drums of war. But just because the cock crows before sunrise, it does not mean that he causes the sun to rise.
Third, Kristol and Kagan’s message had its roots the Cold War liberalism of Truman and Kennedy, and was far more activist and interventionist than the historic Republican stance, with its lingering pockets of isolationism. Despite Kristol and Kagan’s effort to package their world view as a “Neo-Reaganite Foreign Policy,” they were far closer to what we now hear from Hillary Clinton.
Fourth, and most important, Kristol and Kagan provided American weapons makers with a perfect substitute for the old Soviet threat. What better marketing strategy for the military-industrial complex than an endless war against Islamic terrorists, Iran, and ultimately China? PNAC laid much of this out in Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategies, Forces, and Resources for a New Century, a report written primarily by the group’s deputy executive director, Thomas Donnelly, who went on to work for the defense giant Lockheed Martin. PNAC also worked closely with and received major funding from the Bradley Foundation, a strong backer of the defense industry.
Rethinking the neo-cons and liberal interventionists in these ways will help us sharpen our opposition to both. This becomes crucial as Kristol and Kagan’s new flagship, the Foreign Policy Initiative, and The Weekly Standard have spent the last two years trying to talk Americans out of being weary with war. I won’t be surprised to hear Hillary Clinton join in soon, rallying us to show new spirit in defending American values.
A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts, Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. He now lives and works in France, where he is researching a new book, "Big Money and the Corporate State: How Global Banks, Corporations, and Speculators Rule and How to Nonviolently Break Their Hold."
Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.
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