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FOCUS: Obama, Like Bush, Just Makes It All Worse Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=20877"><span class="small">William Boardman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Wednesday, 09 December 2015 12:46

Boardman writes: "Barack Obama may not be as obviously fatuous as his predecessor, but he's no less feckless and irrelevant to anything like the common good at home and abroad."

President Obama with George W. Bush. (photo: AP)
President Obama with George W. Bush. (photo: AP)


Obama, Like Bush, Just Makes It All Worse

By William Boardman, Reader Supported News

09 December 15

 

resident Obama’s oval office talk on terrorism promises more of the same failed strategy based on no serious reconsideration of changed reality. From the top, by focusing on 14 Americans killed in San Bernardino, the President plays into the terrorists’ hands. President Obama, like the rest of the US establishment, appears to have learned nothing since President Bush played the fear card after 9/11, then used it to terrorize the Muslim world with ever more disastrous results (carried on by President Obama). 

It’s not as though the madness of the fear-based reaction wasn’t obvious from the get-go. Susan Sontag wrote soberly in The New Yorker in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 about how to respond rationally to the attack. For her trouble, she was pilloried by her peers, at The New Yorker and elsewhere: it was as if the herd had decided that she had no right not to be afraid, which was the same as saying she had no right not to react as the terrorists wanted, which is irrational to the point of self-destructive insanity. But it was what the herd wanted, and did, and still does. Now we’ve had 14 years of spiraling destruction at home and abroad, and the President as our terrorist-in-chief says let’s have more.

The President’s emotional appeal, based on the 14 dead in San Bernardino, is as maudlin and manipulative as it is irrelevant to terrorism. That may sound cold, but it’s true. And it’s not nearly as cold as using victims as cover for continuing a murderous failed policy that is most effective in perpetuating the cycle of violence.

Even if the worst-case scenario is true (and that’s far from clear yet), that Mr. and Mrs. Farook acted on behalf of ISIS or its ilk, what they did was no more a threat to national security than so many other mass shootings like Columbine or Sandy Hook or the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston. They are all horrible events. Each of them might have been prevented if the right people had been alert to their surroundings at the right time, but none of them, or even all of them, do not threaten national security in anything like a military invasion and conquest sense. The actually serious threat is emotional and psychological. Fear, doubt, uncertainty, confusion, and secrecy all conspire to defeat confidence, calm, proportionality, and reason. Leadership and populace alike embrace a zeitgeist of agitation and over-simplification, lashing out in one-dimensional military responses to misperceived threats that are not even fundamentally military. Even though most American violence is unrelated to terrorists, the occasional, real terrorist act leverages the larger national distress disproportionately. The relentless, unprincipled, bigoted opposition to the current President has left the country with no coherent center, no rational government, no possibility of acting sensibly in a shared national interest, because there no longer is any shared national interest. This hollowed-out shell of a superpower is an easy target, promising mindless panic in the face of phantom dangers, and internecine, impotent quarreling over our real pathologies. 

Better responses to terror include courage, defiance, calm reason…

Among such lethal events, the Charleston church shooting is the most clearly  obvious attempt at terrorism, good old American terrorism, deeply rooted in our continuing racist history. The shooter in Charleston intended to ignite a race war, he said, which seemed a credible notion in the context of the endless American socio-economic, often violent guerrilla war against African-Americans or people who sort of look like them. What makes the Charleston church shooting different from other shootings, perhaps uniquely different, is that this church chose not to be afraid, this church chose not to lock its doors, this church chose to reassert its basic values in response to murderous intimidation. 

Not so this country, not so the home of the (once) brave, not so the most powerful nation in the world quivering in its collective boots and reacting in a way well-designed to keep the source of that quivering coming. 

So when President Obama links San Bernardino, “the broader threat of terrorism,” and “how we can keep our country safe,” he perpetuates a dishonest paradigm that has served the country disastrously through two presidential administrations, without significant dissent, official or popular. It is almost incredible that the country should be in thrall to its illusions for so long, in the face of so much evidence that we’re delusional, but that’s the way it is, and there’s no serious challenge to the terrorist-threat fantasy from any of the candidates seeking to replace Obama. 

None of them comes close to the sophisticated analysis of French journalist Nicolas Henin, who was an ISIS hostage for ten months until his government negotiated his freedom. Referring to the initial reaction of Europe to Syrian refugees, Henin observed that that was a huge blow to ISIS, the Islamic State – not only to have hundreds of thousands of Muslims fleeing their embrace, but fleeing to the infidel nations, who welcomed them with open arms (at first):

And that was so much a blow that I believe that one of the reasons behind the Paris attack was to disrupt this and to stop, to make us close our doors to the refugees, because, actually, welcoming refugees is not a terror threat to us, to our countries. It’s like a vaccine to protect us from terrorism, because the more interactions we have between societies, between communities, the less there will be tensions. I mean, the Islamic State believes in a global confrontation. What they want eventually is civil war in our countries, or at least large unrest, and in the Middle East, a large-scale war. This is what they look for. This is what they struggle for. So we have to kill their narrative and actually to welcome refugees, totally destroy their narrative. And if you kill their narrative, it’s even more efficient than if you drop some bombs and kill some of their fighters.

Smart, humane, and effective counter-terrorism, such as welcoming refugees, is no longer an easy political option. Not being easy, political leaders are variously exploiting it with fearmongering or fleeing from it out of sheer terror and cowardice.

The “don’t do stupid things” President does stupid things

President Obama would have us all be afraid of the Islamic state because, he says, it’s “a group that threatens us all.” This is simply not true. ISIS certainly doesn’t threaten him, or those around him, or most of the military or intelligence forces, or much of anyone else. The truth is that, although ISIS could be a threat to any of us, under rare circumstances, it is not yet remotely close to being a threat to us all. The odds are that it will never have that capacity. For the President to say so is fearmongering and part of the con job that supports the imperial state. 

Here’s exactly how the President three-card-monte’d the terror con:

So far, we have no evidence that the killers were directed by a terrorist organization overseas, or that they were part of a broader conspiracy here at home. But it is clear that the two of them had gone down the dark path of radicalization, embracing a perverted interpretation of Islam that calls for war against America and the West. They had stockpiled assault weapons, ammunition, and pipe bombs. So this was an act of terrorism, designed to kill innocent people.

“So far, we have no evidence …” is a lovely way of suggesting that evidence doesn’t really matter and you just need to believe whatever the President says because he says it. And what he’s saying, nonsensically, is that even if these people were not terrorists, they nevertheless committed an act of terrorism. But terrorism is, by definition, a political act. Sometimes mass murder is terrorism, too, but other times it’s just mass murder. They need to be distinguished, and analyzed accordingly – and acted on honestly and rationally. 

Terrorism works when the target reacts out of terror

For the terrorist, terrorism is a tactic of weakness. Unable to defeat an enemy with superior force, the terrorist attacks in ways that are meant to bait the enemy into reacting both self-destructively and to the benefit of the terrorists. The US has been reacting self-destructively since 2001, destroying its own political freedoms out of exaggerated fear (call it terror). And the US, by fighting terrorists with terrorist tactics (death squads, drone assassinations, bombing civilians, etc.), has contributed to expanding the ranks of the terrorists responding to our terrorism. It doesn’t get more mindless than that, if you want to preserve the “exceptional” America we are all taught to idealize. And why are our own terrorist tactics less effective in inciting terror than terrorist attacks against us?    

What if 14 years of madness is not so mad after all? What if the aims of the terrorists and the covert aims of Western governments are more synchronous than not? What if the emerging police state here and in France and elsewhere is just what our rulers want? Promoting popular fear of terrorism just makes the police state easier to justify, and some of its deluded victims are even grateful for it.   

With that possibility in mind, President Obama’s lengthy repetition of the Bushian view that “our nation has been at war” (never mind legalities or constitutionalities here) and needs to continue to be at war, endlessly – even though we’re not actually at war, we’re just killing people where and when we feel like it – all makes a detached observer wonder what we think we’re actually accomplishing. We get no rationale. All we get, as our President put it December 6, is a grim re-statement of 2001 tunnel vision followed by a chilling pause:  

“… our military will continue to hunt down terrorist plotters in any country where it is necessary.”   

So much for international law. So much for probable cause. You don’t have to be a terrorist, just a “plotter.” And who decides what’s “necessary?” For starters, you know who doesn’t get to decide. You also know who doesn’t explain any of those decisions. And “ANY country?” Russia? China? Iran? Saudi Arabia? Canada? Probably not, but watch out Venezuela, you may be next on the hit list once there’s nothing left of Yemen. But why? Why does the US need or even want endless war? And why wage this endless war against proxy enemies who pose no serious threat anywhere beyond random acts of terror killing?

Anti-terrorism, as practiced by the US, is an oxymoron

Trying to persuade his listeners of the reality of a “new phase” of the “terrorist threat,” the President cobbles together events many years and thousands of miles apart (Fort Hood, Chattanooga, San Bernardino, Boston Marathon) to try to create the impression of some sort of pattern where there is none – not geographically, not ideologically, not even ethnically. 

According to the President, with no evidence, “Many Americans are asking whether we are confronted by a cancer that has no immediate cure.” Cancer is the image you choose when you want to scare people. There’s no evidence that ISIS is a cancer in the US, or anywhere else outside the Tigris-Euphrates Valley. For Americans, ISIS – like al Qaeda – is more like acne: unpleasant, curable, usually temporarily inconvenient, and sometimes but rarely lethal

That reality helps explain why the President proposes to go on treating the condition much the same way the US has been treating it for years. He lists the methods, apparently in prioritized order, with no intended irony: bombs, troops, working with allies, and talks. “This is our strategy to destroy ISIL [ISIS],” the President told us, “designed and supported by our military commanders and counterterrorism experts,” as if their past successes could go without mentioning. 

Then the President shifted to a grab-bag of unrelated proposals, including profiling, as well as a Congressional vote to authorize the war the President is already fighting. He currently wages war in unnumbered nations based on the Authorization to Use Military Force (AUMF) passed in the wake of 9/11. President Bush was the first to abuse that authorization, which was of dubious constitutionality from the beginning. There has been nothing to prevent President Obama from proposing a new authorization at any time since 2009, and he’s not proposing one now, he’s playing deflective politics by asking Congress to act when he knows it won’t as long as Republicans are in control. 

President Obama’s speech was not without other ugly little jokes besides his call for the authority to wage the war he’s waging:

  • “We’re working with Turkey,” he said, without explaining why Turkey maintained supply lines for ISIS, or why it bombs the Kurds that the US is helping to fight ISIS, or why Turkey shot down a Russian plane, or why Turkey is tilting toward becoming an Islamic state itself. That’s funny!

  • “The vast majority of terrorist victims around the world are Muslim,” he observed accurately, without taking the US share of responsibility for killing Muslim civilians with our own terrorist actions in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria, as well as the near-genocide we support in Yemen. That’s clever.

  • “It is the responsibility of Muslims around the world to root out misguided ideas,” he said, without implying that we’ll bomb them till they do, or suggesting that they follow the rather effective US suppression of “misguided ideas.” Isn’t it ironic?

  • “We are on the right side of history,” he said, probably not punning (although the pun may turn out to be correct), but exercising the cliché rooted in the absurdity that history has a “right” side except when it’s just propaganda. Are you laughing yet?

This President may not be as obviously fatuous as his predecessor (the strutting “I’m a war president!” popinjay), but he’s no less feckless and irrelevant to anything like the common good at home and abroad. No wonder both presidents typically close their acts with the same dark comic line, “May God bless the United States of America.” Who else would? 



William M. Boardman has over 40 years experience in theatre, radio, TV, print journalism, and non-fiction, including 20 years in the Vermont judiciary. He has received honors from Writers Guild of America, Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Vermont Life magazine, and an Emmy Award nomination from the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: Obamacare and the Cockroaches Print
Wednesday, 09 December 2015 11:27

Krugman writes: "Zombie ideas are claims that should have been killed by evidence, but just keep shambling along. Cockroaches are claims that disappear for a while when proved ludicrously wrong, but just keep on coming back. I think of the notion that Obamacare hasn't really reduced the number of uninsured as a cockroach."

Paul Krugman. (photo: NYT)
Paul Krugman. (photo: NYT)


Obamacare and the Cockroaches

By Paul Krugman, The New York Times

09 December 15

 

n policy discourse, zombies and cockroaches are somewhat different.

Zombie ideas are claims that should have been killed by evidence, but just keep shambling along, like the notion that vast numbers of Canadians, frustrated by socialized medicine, come to America in search of treatment. (It was in a paper about that and other myths that I first encountered the zombie terminology.) Cockroaches are claims that disappear for a while when proved ludicrously wrong, but just keep on coming back.

I think of the notion that Obamacare hasn’t really reduced the number of uninsured as a cockroach; it seemed to me that it subsided for a while after the big enrollment numbers of 2014 and the sharp drop in uninsurance rates. And really, how could you continue to make that claim given the results shown above, which are corroborated by independent sources like Gallup?

Data covering domestic health insurance. (photo: National Center for Health Statistics)

Data covering domestic health insurance. (photo: National Center for Health Statistics)


READ MORE

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Opposing Tyranny From Both the Left and the Right Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36478"><span class="small">John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Wednesday, 09 December 2015 09:32

Kiriakou writes: "Chavez and Maduro styled themselves as populists and liberals. Nothing could be further from the truth. Democracy has become a meaningless word in the Bolivarian Republic."

John Kiriakou in the documentary Silenced. (photo: AFI Docs)
John Kiriakou in the documentary Silenced. (photo: AFI Docs)


Opposing Tyranny From Both the Left and the Right

By John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News

09 December 15

 

am a lifelong progressive. I’m proud to say it. My parents were progressives. And while my paternal grandparents, immigrants from Greece, weren’t sophisticated enough politically to classify or categorize themselves, it didn’t keep them from displaying a photo of Franklin Roosevelt on top of the television. Nor did it keep my grandfather from attending a Sacco and Vanzetti rally in Pittsburgh in 1921. For my parents and grandparents, one of the hallmarks of progressive politics was concern for the downtrodden. That has always been important to me.

Another thing important to me, and passed down from my grandparents, is a deep respect for human rights. The Ottoman Turks kept much of Greece enslaved for some 400 years. Indeed, my grandparents were born Turkish citizens because the Turks occupied our ancestral island of Rhodes from 1522 until liberation in 1917. Over those centuries, the Ottomans had sold many thousands of Greeks into slavery in North Africa and the Middle East and sent Greek children back to Turkey to be raised as Turks. So that respect for human rights was learned and developed first-hand.

When I was assigned to the American Embassy in Manama, Bahrain, from 1994 to 1996, on a rotation from the CIA, I volunteered to serve as the human rights officer, in addition to my duties as the economic officer. For the two years I was there, I wrote the human rights report, mandated by Congress, and I pulled no punches. The Bahraini government was killing demonstrators in custody, holding people indefinitely without charge, and denying people who had been arrested access to an attorney. My writing did not endear me to the Bahrainis, although I liked many of the government officials with whom I worked, but that’s not why I was there. I was there to tell the truth and to report the facts.

I returned to the CIA in the fall of 1996 and went back to work on Iraq. I recalled reading a lot about the British politician George Galloway, a leftist and peace activist who had initially opposed Saddam Hussein, but who came out in support of him when the U.S.-led coalition pushed the Iraqi army out of Kuwait and the United Nations imposed sanctions on Iraq. Galloway even visited the dictator in 1994 to express his solidarity.

I simply could not understand this. Galloway was a well-known peacenik. He was a longtime supporter of human rights. Why would he ally himself with one of the most brutal dictators of the second half of the 20th century? Could he hate U.S. policy enough to flip-flop on his own core beliefs? Apparently, yes.

Similarly, in 1996, then-senator Carol Moseley Braun (D-Ill.) made a private trip to Nigeria to meet with dictator Sani Abacha. The U.S. and the United Nations had imposed sanctions on Nigeria because of Abacha’s dismal human rights record. Moseley Braun did not notify the State Department or the Senate Ethics Committee of her trip, and, upon her return, she spoke out in favor of Abacha’s human rights record. (Moseley Braun’s fiancé at the time was a registered lobbyist for the Nigerian government.) Was Moseley Braun’s own commitment to human rights worth less than a personal relationship? Did she, too, hate U.S. policy more than she loved human rights?
The same thing is happening today. Many of my own friends and associates openly support the Venezuelan government of Nicolas Maduro. Maduro took control of the country upon the death of its previous leader, Hugo Chavez. Chavez and Maduro styled themselves as populists and liberals. Nothing could be further from the truth.

Maduro has consistently blamed everybody but himself – the United States, the United Nations, the European Union, and wealthy Venezuelans – for his country’s economic and political problems. Democracy has become a meaningless word in the Bolivarian Republic. Anytime an opposition politician begins to gain traction with the populace, he or she is jailed on charges of conspiracy, treason, and other trumped-up crimes. Even politicians who are able to successfully evade arrest end up participating in fake elections that result in improbable majorities for Maduro.

Opposition leader Leopoldo Lopez, a Venezuelan opposition leader and democrat, is currently in solitary confinement and serving 13 years on charges of conspiracy, arson, inciting violence, and damaging public property. His real crime? He was polling even with Maduro. He had the misfortune of appearing in court before a judge who was no more than a puppet of Maduro.

Pete Seeger once said that a true liberal opposes tyranny from both the left and the right. He was correct. Progressives need to stand up to dictators, murderers, crooks, and corrupt politicians on the left and the right. Otherwise, we wouldn’t be progressives at all.



John Kiriakou is an associate fellow with the Institute for Policy Studies. He is a former CIA counterterrorism officer and a former senior investigator with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Why Do They Hate Us? It's No Mystery Print
Wednesday, 09 December 2015 09:27

Richman writes: "It's not 'moderate' Muslims who need to take the lead in ending terrorism. It's the U.S. foreign-policy makers, whose daily atrocities make targets of Americans at home."

A Predator Drone on the runway. (photo: Getty Images/John Moore)
A Predator Drone on the runway. (photo: Getty Images/John Moore)


Why Do They Hate Us? It's No Mystery

By Sheldon Richman, CounterPunch

09 December 15

 

hat do Barack Obama and Donald Trump have in common? Among other things, they have — or pretend to have — no clue why some Muslims hate us. Trump says (I almost typed believes, but I’m not sure anyone, including Trump, knows what he believes) Muslims should be barred from the United States until “until the country’s representatives can figure out what’s going on.”

Note that Trump includes himself among those who haven’t figured it out, or else he surely would have told us. He either does not know, or does not care, why people are willing to kill Americans.

Let’s give these members of the American elite their due: one has to work hard to make a mystery of anti-American (and anti-Western) terrorism emanating from the Middle East. It takes prodigious effort to maintain an air of innocence about San Bernardino and Paris, because no one who claims to be informed can plead ignorance of the long history of U.S. and Western imperialism in the Muslim world. This includes the CIA’s subversion of Iranian democracy in 1953, the U.S. government’s systematic support of compliant autocratic and corrupt Arab monarchies and dictatorships, its empowering of Iraqi Shi’ite Muslims, and its unconditional backing of Israel’s brutal anti-Palestinian policies. (The savage 2014 war on Gaza killed many noncombatants.)

In the 10 years before the 9/11 attacks the administrations of George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton bombed Iraq while maintaining an embargo, most especially on equipment for the water and sanitation infrastructure the U.S. Air Force had destroyed during the Gulf War. Half a million children died. This was also when U.S. officials promised, then reneged on the promise, to remove U.S. forces from the Islamic holy sites in Saudi Arabia.

From the air Americans routinely kill noncombatants in Syria and Iraq, most recently this week, when “at least 36 civilians, including 20 children, in a village in eastern Syria” were reportedly killed, according to McClatchyDC. Do Americans notice? Of course not. That’s why San Bernardino and Paris can be made to appear so mysterious.

Things like this happen all the time. The U.S. attack on the Doctors Without Borders hospital in Kunduz, Afghanistan, was especially egregious against this background of war crimes.

The U.S. government has conducted war by remote-controlled drones since 2001 in a variety of places, including Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia, and Pakistan. Do Americans have a clue what it must be like to live under the drone threat? You know the answer is no. But many Muslims do, and many others can sympathize.

Since the San Bernardino shooters both had roots in Pakistan, it might be worth focusing on the drone war there, part of the fight against al-Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. Steve Coll, in his Nov. 24, 2014 New Yorker article “The Unblinking Stare: The Drone War in Pakistan,” notes that that country “has absorbed more drone strikes — some four hundred — than any other country.” Coll writes, “Armed drones are slow-moving pilotless aircraft equipped with cameras, listening devices, and air-to-ground missiles. They can hover over their targets for hours, transmitting video feed of the scene below, and then strike suddenly.” Most of the time, the remote “pilots” do not know whom they are targeting.

Obama has claimed that the drone war kills few noncombatants, but this is rejected by many authoritative sources, including, Coll reports, a team of NYU and Stanford law students who found that “C.I.A.-operated drones were nowhere near as discriminating toward noncombatants as the agency’s leaders have claimed.”

The kill estimates vary, but the totals are significant — to the families and friends, and to distant Muslims who see their coreligionists slaughtered while minding their own business.

What turns an angry and anguished Muslim into someone willing to kill Americans indiscriminately? That’s a hard question to answer completely. But when violence such as that inflicted by the United States drives a Muslim to the most “radical” form of the faith in search of revenge, the explanation is far more political than religious. If terrorism were happening during peacetime, that might tell another story. But it is not.

It’s not “moderate” Muslims who need to take the lead in ending terrorism. It’s the U.S. foreign-policy makers, whose daily atrocities make targets of Americans at home.

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Mining Is Bad Business in Latin America Print
Wednesday, 09 December 2015 09:26

Zibechi writes: "The debate on mining has highlighted the environmental and social problems it creates."

A mine in Latin America. (photo: Americas Program)
A mine in Latin America. (photo: Americas Program)


Mining Is Bad Business in Latin America

By Raúl Zibechi, Upside Down World

09 December 15

 

A decade-long mining boom has left a string of complications–environmental liabilities, social polarization and loss of governmental legitimacy. Meanwhile it has not resolved a single underlying problem.

t’s not an accident,” members of the Mining Victims Movement (Movimiento de Afectados por la Minería, MAM) declared immediately following the Nov. 5 dam rupture that unleashed a river of contaminated sludge in Mina Gerais. The spill destroyed villages, left more than 20 dead or missing and affected thousands more.

“The corporations are completely responsible for this,” says Mario Zonta. Zonta noted that the companies do not monitor the reservoirs where they store toxic wastes, like the ones that broke this month.

The social and environmental tragedy was caused by the Samarco mine in Minas Gerais State, Brazil. Two dams in the open-pit iron mine broke, and the sludge buried the village of Bento Rodrigues (just over 20 kilometers from the city of Mariana and 120 from state capital Belo Horizonte), where 600 people lived. Samarco is owned by Vale and BHP Billiton.

The 500 people rescued by firefighters after being trapped in toxic sludge should have been put through a decontamination process after suffering direct exposure to toxic substances. “The accidents and impacts of mining companies are permanent, and the companies continue with the same arrogant posture, talking about social and environmental responsibility,” a statement from dozens of social organizations reads.

“Vale has been in Minas Gerais for 70 years,” Zonta states.. “There is enough experience to prevent this kind of event, so we hold them responsible for the deaths and disappearances” (Brasil de Fato, November 6, 2015).

A soil analysis 300 kilometers away from the dams revealed incredible concentrations of iron, manganese, and aluminum– thousands of times higher than normal concentrations (R7 Noticias, November 11, 2015). According to toxicologists, the most dangerous metal is manganese. It can cause muscle disorders and bone and intestinal problems and aggravate heart problems.

At first, the company stated the spillage was only sand, but when asked in sight of the official analyses it did not respond. It clung to talk of “mud not containing wastes toxic to humans, only inert material composed of sand” (R7 Noticias, Nov. 11, 2015). However, due to the high levels of contamination detected, water treatment was suspended in nine cities, affecting 800,000 people and the prefecture declared a public disaster situation.

Corporate and state irresponsibility

MAM cites the underlying problem that mining companies themselves are responsible for the studies that monitor the situation of the mines. “They hire the companies to conduct environmental impact studies for submission to the Ministry of Environment,” Zonta pointed out in a recent interview with Brasil de Fato.

He explained that there is sufficient company “know-how” to foresee dam failures, such as the ones that occurred in Mariana. “Since the logic is to extract ore at full steam, the amount of waste produced on a daily basis is much higher than it was 20 years ago. They know the risks, but they have no commitment to environmental issues or communities.”

The result, according to MAM, is a lack of control in mining policy and extraction rates, waste storage, and mineral transfer, since all enforcement and supervision is left to the companies themselves.

On the same day of the Mariana tragedy, the Brazilian Mining Forum was held in Belo Horizonte. Businesspeople celebrated the factthat Brazil is among the six largest mining countries in the world, and that in the coming years the mining sector will receive the largest investments of the the national economy than any other sector (about $53 billion until 2018). They called to “increase the legal security of investors”(Brasil de Fato, Nov.7, 2015).

Minas Gerais’ Secretary of Economic Development Altamir Roso said the Samarco mine was “a victim of the rupture” of the dams. He went further still than the entrepreneurs, “I say with confidence thatthere is too much rigidity in the process of granting permits and also too many agencies involved.” His proposal is that supervision and monitoring need not be the role of the state, which may delegate it to others.

Governor of Minas Gerais Fernando Pimentel (Workers’ Party), sent a bill to the state parliament that alters the Public System of Environment to “give more flexibility to the permit process” (Brasil de Fato, Nov. 7 2015). This is an obvious double standard, because the governor himself honored the president of the businesspeople, saying that “the environment cannot be hostage to the economy and the economy cannot be hostage to the environment.”

The International Organization of Victims of the Vale issued a statement saying that what happened in Mariana is “crime,” rejecting that it was an accident. Environmentalists complained that the majority of the 31 deputies on the commission to discuss the new Mining Code in the Chamber of Deputies had their 2014 election campaigns financed by mining companies.

Gustavo Gazzinelli of the National Civil Society Forum on Watershed Committees believes the Mariana disaster “will resurrect something similar to what happened in 2013,” when millions of people took to the streets protesting the increase in public transport fees, known as the Days of June. The scandal is enormous because the dam that broke was said to be among the safest, owned by a company that has won several awards for sustainability and presents itself as defender of the environment.

A string of accidents

In mining, accidents are the norm. On September 12 there was a spill of 1.5 million liters of water contaminated with cyanide in the Veladero gold mine in the province of San Juan (Argentina). The accident put Barrick Gold, the company that owns the mine, in a sticky situation. An investigation into the company demanded an immediate solution to the problem or else that the company “stop incorporating cyanide in the leaching process until anomalies disappear” (EFE and AFP, Nov. 11, 2015).

One of the consequences of the spill was the resignation of Barrick Gold’s chief executive in Argentina. The spill was caused by a failure in a pipeline for transporting cyanide solution, but it shows that companies have no contingency plans when such situations occur.

The people of Jáchal decided to block access to the Veladero mine. Many decided to join the actions in the face of the seriousness of what had happened. Several weeks after the spill, the Universidad Tecnológica Nacional and the universities of Cuyo and San Juan disseminated reports on the “presence of heavy metals in the water” and “the existence of cyanide in various water samples” (Lavaca, Oct. 23, 2015).

Police detained 23 protesters, but those responsible for the disaster have yet to be processed. By claiming that the spill was an unavoidable accident and not an instance of corporate irresponsibility the company has sought to reinforce the impression that no one is responsible for the problems generated by mining, and that no one should be brought to justice.

The increase of so-called accidents is due to the exponential growth of mining operations. A recent study on Peru asserts that, in this country with a mining tradition, between 1992 and 2014 “the number of mining grants increased eightfold, while the area used by mining did so by eleven” between 1992 and 2014.[1] In the Moquegua region, 71% of land is occupied by mining concessions. The regions of Apurimac, La Libertad, Ancash, Lima, and Tacna follow with 55 to 67%. Other mining regions hover around 50% of territory occupied by mining.

Extraction intensity has grown thanks to new technologies and, most notably, by modalities of open-pit work, with the destruction of entire mountains by explosives and heavy machinery. According to the Statistical Yearbook of Mexican Mining, 2013 (prepared by the Geological Survey), mining companies extracted 774 tons of gold in the last ten years.

This figure compares to the 190 tons mined during three centuries of colonialism. According the Mexican newspaper La Jornada (Nov. 9, 2015), “in ten years, mining companies extracted four times more gold than in three centuries.” That brutal intensification of extraction rates causes huge profits alongside tremendous damage to the environment and people. “Accidents” are, therefore, part of the mining business.

Mining is a Bad Development Strategy

The debate on mining has highlighted the environmental and social problems it creates. Social movements, governments, universities, and environmental NGOs have focused on these issues. In the case of Peru, mining revenues to the state have increased considerably: 800 million soles in 2003 to a peak of 11.28 billion in 2011, which then dropped to 6 billion in 2014.

These contributions came to constitute 23% of central government revenue in the 2006-2011 period of high prices. The governments of the mining regions financed a substantial part of their work from taxes on mining, which represented up to 53% of the investment budget.[2]

But the state’s dependence on mining revenues generated two serious problems. The first was first detected when mineral prices fell, and is reflected in the drastic reduction of investment. In 2010 Peru’s regional governments financed a quarter of their budgets with mining taxes and mining royalties; in 2014 that proportion had fallen to 10%. As for investments, in 2010 half were financed with through taxes and royalties, which dropped to 22% in 2014.

Extractivism does not generate productive chains and employs very few workers. The Peruvian government has vowed to reduce dependence modify by opening up new areas, according to the National Productive Diversification Plan of 2014. However, this plan “has little support from the national government,” and commercial and state actors “aim to continue the current extractive model.”[3] Extractive income seems to be addictive, perhaps because it facilitates easy earnings, for both governments and the populations.

But there is a second factor, not usually visible. “Since the revenue is distributed only among regions where mining takes place, a deep inequality in the national distribution of investment resources is generated.”[4] Furthermore, in each region the distribution of resources favors the provinces and districts where mining activity is carried out, so inequality deepens.

This inequality has led to serious conflicts, as happened in Moquegua in southern Peru in 2008. During the mining-boom decade, “the inequitable distribution of resources expanded social and economic gaps, revealing a lack of capacity and deficit of state institutions, phenomena which, exacerbated by corruption, prevented laying the foundations for state reform and modernization.”[5]

This is an evaluation by an organization that does not reject mining outright.[6] If these are the conclusions of the period in which mining exports grew the most and more states benefited from mining, the outlook for the future is of great concern. After the boom, environmental and social problems have deepened, states and institutions have lost some of their legitimacy, and underlying problems have not been resolved. Mining was bad business.

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