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FOCUS | Driving Out the Mosquitoes: Making Homelessness Illegal |
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Saturday, 02 January 2016 13:06 |
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Pierce writes: "The seaside city of Santa Cruz, California, is one of several municipalities in Northern California that have become home for the herds of bubble up dot-comers rolling the dice in Silicon Valley. From San Francisco to San Jose to Berkeley, and down the coast to Salinas and Monterey, local officials are salivating at the multitude of possibilities for bringing in the tax bucks."
Homeless veterans at sunset on the outskirts of Santa Cruz. (photo: Franco Folini)

Driving Out the Mosquitoes: Making Homelessness Illegal
By Dennis J. Bernstein, Reader Supported News
02 January 16
he seaside city of Santa Cruz, California, is one of several municipalities in Northern California that have become home for the herds of bubble up dot-comers rolling the dice in Silicon Valley. From San Francisco to San Jose to Berkeley, and down the coast to Salinas and Monterey, local officials are salivating at the multitude of possibilities for bringing in the tax bucks. And more often than not, these local officials are rolling out their welcome mats for the Silicon set, right over the bodies of the growing numbers of the poor and disinherited in this wealthy nation.
“They’ve actually installed mosquito boxes to drive out the homeless and hungry,” says Keith McHenry, co-founder of Food Not Bombs (Global). “They’ve set up these horrible sound machines that they put under the bridges and in parks that just turn on automatically and drive people out of the areas, because they make you nauseous and give you a terrible headache.”
I spoke to McHenry as he passed out free food in front of the post office in downtown Santa Cruz. McHenry described a situation that is familiar to many advocates for the poor and homeless across the region and across the country. “The poor and growing numbers of the desperately hungry in this city, state, and country are under attack,” said McHenry. “There are new laws just in the last couple of years, and others that have been strengthened, that make it a crime to be poor and hungry.”
McHenry, and more than a dozen other housing and homeless advocates interviewed for this article, expressed alarm at the expanding attempts by state governments and local municipalities to criminalize the homeless by passing harsh laws and local ordinances that make it unbearable and downright dangerous to live on the street.
“Now they’ve got these new ‘stay-away orders’ here in Santa Cruz,” said McHenry, “and city employees can just ban you from parks for up to half a year at a time. And you can end up getting a year’s sentence if you violate these stay-away orders. They treat the homeless and hungry like they’re pigeons, or some kind of vermin that can just be driven away. Their human rights are being totally violated.”
Osha Newman is a civil rights attorney who represents the homeless in Berkeley, Oakland, and Richmond, California. Newman said he is extremely troubled by this new stepped-up brutality against the homeless in the East Bay. “It’s an everyday, daily routine,” said Newman in a December interview. “The cops kicking and punching and prodding the homeless, even as they sleep. Beating them awake. It’s outrageous. Now Mayor [Tom] Bates and his anti-homeless supporters have succeeded in passing a new batch of draconian laws against the homeless, including one saying that you cannot have belongings that take up more than two square feet on the sidewalk. Can you fit your life’s belongings in two square feet?” he asks.
Down the coast from Santa Cruz in Salinas, California, the homeless have been dealt with in a most brutal and destructive fashion, according to legal proceedings filed in federal court. After being ignored and disregarded “like so much trash,” a group of the homeless organized their own self-governed village, “Tents by the Garden,” complete with working toilet facilities.
“In 2012, me and the rest of the homeless community out here in Salinas started Tents by the Garden,” said Rita Acosta, one of the founders of the homeless community, who is now the lead plaintiff in a federal court action against the city of Salinas for illegal seizure and destruction of personal property under the 14th and 4th amendment.
“We had like 28 people in Tents by the Garden that was all into it altogether,” said Acosta in a phone interview at the end of December. “We also started a PHSH program (Public Hygiene to Stay Human), and we got porta-potties on our camping area. But then the city had a sweep here in January 2013 and they moved us all out, closed off our area, and put up gates. Now they complain about the streets being all unorganized. We were organized. They closed our area down and put us on the sidewalk. So now they’re complaining about it. This is their mess. They’re the ones who made it. They need to clean it up. If it was up to us, it wouldn’t be like this, because we had it more organized.”
Anthony Prince is one of the lead attorneys on the case being brought by Acosta and the homeless of Salinas. Prince said his clients have filed for a preliminary injunction against the city that challenges the constitutionality of the city’s policy and practice of seizing and destroying property that belongs to homeless people. “As you may know, under the 4th Amendment to the Constitution, people have a right, a property interest which cannot be breached without due process. The government cannot seize property, personal property, without notice and opportunity to be heard. Those are the two essential elements of due process.”
The Salinas legal battle centers around a new city ordinance adopted in October. The city codified its brutal, forced-dispersal policies with a new ordinance that allows the city to seize and destroy property of the homeless, almost at will. Salinas City Ordinance 2564 authorizes the city to confiscate and destroy “bulky items” as well as items that are deemed to be “dirty,” “soiled,” “damaged,” or “broken.”
Prince asserts that 2564 is indeed unconstitutional and in flagrant violation of the recent Ninth Circuit’s ruling in Lavan v. City of Los Angeles. In affirming a preliminary injunction, the Ninth Circuit held that because homeless persons’ unabandoned possessions are “property” within the meaning of the Fourteenth and Fourth Amendments, a city must comply with the Fourteenth Amendment's due process clause, and the Fourth Amendment's prohibition of unreasonable seizures, if it wishes to take or destroy those possessions.
According to the amended suit filed on December 22, 2015, the homeless plaintiffs assert that “The City of Salinas has adopted and begun to implement a municipal ordinance that run roughshod over these constitutional rights and threatens the homeless residents of Salinas with grievous and irreparable harm.”
The homeless were in federal court just a few days after a pair of homeless men died of exposure in the nearby city of Monterey. The two men were discovered huddled together without tent or blankets, and with only minimal clothing to protect them from the elements. “By allowing the city to seize essential property, like blankets, clothing, and tents, Salinas’s Ordinance could put the lives of members of the homeless community at risk.” said Prince. “We are determined not to see that happen here.”
“In past sweeps I have had my possessions – my tent, bedding, clothes, blankets, food stamps, identification, birth certificate, family photographs, and important legal documents – taken from me and thrown away,” said Acosta, a longtime resident of Salinas who is now homeless. She talked freely about the daily violence of poverty, enhanced by the brutality of official policy. “Well, it’s a lot rougher for us now that we’re back sleeping on the sidewalks,” she said. “Some of the tents are out toward the streets. We’ve actually had cars hit people’s tents and stuff like that. And I, myself, I had somebody reverse their van into my tent because they thought they were in drive, and they reversed all they way into the tent and pushed me all the way into the back. So it’s scary. It’s dangerous. It was a lot more safe when we had our own area.”
In an August 2015 directive on the subject, the United States Interagency Council on Homelessness warned that “the forced dispersal of people from encampment settings is not an appropriate solution or strategy.”
Dumpster Diving for Survival
“Now the police department comes out here with the city,” Acosta continued. “They start around 8 o’clock. They just start from one end of the street until they make their way all the way around it. They tell us ‘you guys should have been ready, getting your things out.’ But how can we be ready with our things out when we don’t have any place to take our things? So it makes it a little bit difficult. Whatever we can’t take with us they have like a bulldozer thing that just comes in and scoops everything up and puts it straight into the trash ... straight into the garbage can. They don’t ask or anything – they just take it. They just tell us, ‘We gave you enough time to take your things out.’ Out? To where?” asks Acosta. “There is no where else to go.”
Acosta makes the point that many homeless people still work, but find it more and more difficult to keep their jobs and their lives in order because of these new laws being imposed on the homeless. “In the Sherwood Park area,” she said, “there was this young man, he works. So when they were throwing his stuff away, he was yelling ‘Hey, hey that’s my ... you’ve got my work stuff in there.’ And he actually jumped into the dumpster, into the big trashcan, to get his stuff out. No sooner than he jumped out, another big ol’ load came and almost crushed him. He was actually lucky he jumped out when he did. When you ain’t got nothing they just want to take more from you,” Acosta reflected.
In Berkeley, poor people’s attorney Osha Newman tells a story similar to Rita Acosta’s: The homeless, tired of being ignored and disrespected, founded their own community in Albany, between Berkeley and Richmond, on a piece of land known as the Albany Bulb that juts out into the bay. “There was a whole community of people living out on the Albany Bulb taking care of themselves,” Newman lamented, “not taking a penny from the government, asking nothing from the city but to be left alone, [and] those 60 or so people, they were evicted, with nothing. Kicked out of Albany and into Berkeley, where they have been kicked around ever since.”
Back in Santa Cruz, as the free food is being dished out by homeless volunteers, who also made it, Keith McHenry tells me that major cuts were made to the homeless services center, based on cutbacks by the Feds. “They shut down emergency services,” he said, “so the meals for hundreds and hundreds of people in early July, late June, disappeared. The showers disappeared, the mail service for a while disappeared … but came back, although at a much more limited level. And then around 50 employees were fired, who were dealing with the homeless service. It ended up being a total crisis. Two people living at the shelter, when they got their eviction notices, ended up getting hit by cars and killed. The local homeless people said that they were basically depressed and freaked out and didn’t want to go back out on the streets. One case was of a middle-aged woman who got hit by a car,” said McHenry. “I don’t think that case has been solved; it was a hit and run. And so there’s been such tension in the homeless community in Santa Cruz. Many of these people actually owned homes in Santa Cruz, but during the housing foreclosure crisis, folks lost their own places or they were renters that lost their places because their landlords were foreclosed on.”
According to a recent report from the Federation of Protestant Welfare Agencies, 21.8 percent of the nation’s children and 15 percent of the population overall are poor and often hungry. Despite the growing needs of so many people, the Feds continue to cut vital services and assistance meant to help the most at risk among us. “Added to this,” said Jennifer Jones, the Executive Director of the FPWA, “are the funding cuts for meals for home-bound seniors, vocational training programs for those who’ve lost their jobs, food for low income families, and the list goes on. At a time when our nation needs to protect people from continued and increasing hardship, and support economic growth, the Federal government has imposed sequestration cuts and proposes further budget cuts that take us backwards.”
“It’s also now become illegal to feed the hungry,” asserts McHenry, who has been arrested many times, once on Christmas Eve in a Santa outfit, for giving out free food. “Santa was tossed into the police wagon and the food was tossed in the garbage by the cops, while dozens of hungry people looked on,” said McHenry. “They are making laws across the United States against feeding people outside, in city parks ... Their new strategy is to make it so hard for you to get the permits to feed people, and limiting it to just a small amount of time.”
“It’s not illegal to be homeless in the United States,” said Anthony Prince, “but what we see increasingly is an effort to criminalize the status of being homeless. As you may know, it is against American jurisprudence to criminalize a person or a sub-class of people based on their status, but that is exactly what the new laws do.”
Dennis J. Bernstein is the executive producer of Flashpoints, syndicated on Pacifica Radio, and is the recipient of a 2015 Pillar Award for his work as a journalist whistleblower. He is most recently the author of Special Ed: Voices from a Hidden Classroom.
Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: Connecting the Dots (Seriously) Between Iran-Contra and Peyton Manning |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>
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Saturday, 02 January 2016 12:10 |
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Pierce writes: "We few, we happy few, we Iran-Contra obsessives, we can have fun linking that mother of all scandals to practically everything that's gone sideways in this country since the 1980 presidential election."
Ronald Reagan. (photo: Diana Walker/Getty Images)

Connecting the Dots (Seriously) Between Iran-Contra and Peyton Manning
By Charles Pierce, Esquire
02 January 16
Six degrees of alleged doping.
e few, we happy few, we Iran-Contra obsessives, we can have fun linking that mother of all scandals to practically everything that's gone sideways in this country since the 1980 presidential election. (That, of course, if you connect the Reagan campaign's jacking around with the release of the American hostages in Iran to the eventual missile shipments, which you can do through master crook Bill Casey.) The key is to see Iran-Contra as the central pivot to a decade of really bad foreign policy initiatives that really didn't peter out until the following decade. One of those was the shady process by which this country helped arm Saddam Hussein through some shenanigans involving an Atlanta bank called the Banco Nazionale del Lavoro. (The BNL scandal, in the argot of the obsessives.) Now, watch as I play Six Degrees Of Manucher Ghorbanifar and put Iran-Contra together with the recent kerfuffle involving Peyton Manning and human-growth hormones.
OK, it all starts with an oddball Indianapolis millionaire named Beurt SerVass. His company, SerVass Equipment, got a contract in 1989 to build a $40 million smelting plant in Iraq that would be financed by BNL. Congressional investigators discovered that Iraq planned to use the plant to make ammunition. (The plant was never built because Hussein invaded Kuwait.) At the trial of a BNL official accused of using the bank as an off-the-books money pit for Iraqi arms purchases, SerVass testified that he had no idea that the smelting plant might be used for anything except civilian purposes.
We move along now to 2012. An Indianapolis Ponzi schemer named Tim Durham gets sentenced to 50 years in prison for defrauding more that $200 million from the Fair Finance company of Ohio. Durham's second wife, Joan, was Beurt SerVass's daughter, and she and her pops posted Durham's $1 million bond while he was awaiting trial. Now, thanks to The Indianapolis Star, we discover that one of the beneficiaries of Durham's ill-gotten largesse is none other than Dr. Dale Guyer and his Advance Medical Center, P.C., the anti-aging clinic that is the center of the Al Jazeera America report about human-growth hormone peddling that has ensnared Manning and the NFL.
So, thus do we get from Bill Casey to Peyton Manning through a daisy-chain of separate—but oddly interrelated in the spirit of their respective venalities—exercises in fraud and bunco. This was fun. Let's all meet in the cocktail lounge of the Mena Airport and do it again sometime.

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Bill Cosby, Tamir Rice, and the Power of Prosecutors |
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Saturday, 02 January 2016 09:53 |
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Michaelson writes: "Sometimes, the only difference between a charge and no charge is the discretion of a single, unaccountable prosecutor. What do Bill Cosby and Tamir Rice have in common? Their cases reveal the immense power of prosecutors."
Actor Bill Cosby speaks at a gala in New York. (photo: Lucas Jackson/Reuters)

Bill Cosby, Tamir Rice, and the Power of Prosecutors
By Jay Michaelson, The Daily Beast
02 January 16
Sometimes, the only difference between a charge and no charge is the discretion of a single, unaccountable prosecutor.
hat do Bill Cosby and Tamir Rice have in common? Their cases reveal the immense power of prosecutors.
Consider the fact that in 2005, Andrea Constand told police that Bill Cosby gave her drugs and sexually assaulted her. Why wasn’t he charged? The prosecutor didn’t think there was enough evidence.
Ten years later, Cosby is charged. Why? Partly because of new bits of evidence—Cosby’s admission that he sometimes gave women drugs in order to have sex with them, and at least 50 other accusations against him. But mostly, because now there’s a different prosecutor, Kevin Steele.
These are judgment calls, in 2005 and 2015.
Now consider the cases of Tamir Rice, Michael Brown, and Eric Garner. None of the police officers responsible for their deaths were ever charged—not convicted—charged. In all three cases, prosecutors practically told grand juries not to indict.
In Ferguson, Robert McCulloch decided to simply present all the evidence to the grand jury, rather than make a case against Officer Darren Wilson. In Staten Island, Darren Donovan, a Republican with extensive ties to the police department, failed to secure an indictment against Daniel Pantaleo, whose chokehold led to Eric Garner’s death. And most recently, in Cleveland, Tim McGinty stated openly that he didn’t believe anyone should be charged in the shooting of 12-year-old Tamir Rice.
Set aside, for the moment, the facts of these cases. What’s striking in all of them is that county prosecutors and district attorneys, singlehandedly and without oversight, decide the fates of the accused. More judgment calls, unreviewed and unreviewable.
True, there is some oversight: Most of these prosecutors are elected. If voters don’t like how they’re doing (or not doing) their jobs, they can vote them out of office. Indeed, in the case of Bill Cosby, then-DA Bruce Castor’s decision not to indict in 2005 became an issue in his election battle with Kevin Steele this year.
But is this really “oversight”? As The Daily Beast reported last September, voters often know next to nothing about the candidates running for positions as prosecutors or judges. Turnout is extremely low, especially in off years. And when voters are paying attention, they are bamboozled by the only campaign message that seems to work: “tough on crime.”
This year, for example, Steele ran on his “98 percent conviction rate” and “tough sentences for sexual predators.”
That’s what people want, right? They see prosecutors as agents of the criminal justice system, and everyone wants less crime.
This leads to two perverse incentives for prosecutors. First, they have an incentive to over-charge criminal defendants and secure convictions more than justice. Second, they have an incentive not to charge police officers, who after all are fighting crime every day, and with whom they work closely on a daily basis.
In principle, if Officers Pantaleo, Wilson, and Loehmann violated the law, then they are criminals. But in practice, they are policemen, and perceived as the opposite of criminals. Voters who want to get tough on crime do not want to get tough on cops.
So not only is there no meaningful oversight of prosecutors, but the oversight that does exist is skewed to specific outcomes and behaviors, not impartiality and performance.
Now back to Cosby. If you pay close attention to what Steele said this week, you’ll notice that he went out of his way to mention the new evidence that has come to light in the last 12 months. “A prosecutor’s job is to follow the evidence wherever it leads and whenever it comes to light,” he said (PDF), announcing the arrest.
In part, this was to explain the nearly 12-year gap between the crime and the charge. But in large part, it was to explain why Cosby is being charged in 2015, but wasn’t in 2005.
And what is that new evidence? Only what is known as “habit evidence”: that Cosby admitted to drugging and having sex with other women. But not Constand—however ludicrous it may seem, Cosby’s position is that she consented.
Is habit evidence really enough to reopen a closed case and file charges? Again, that’s another judgment call. Like Judge Robreno’s decision to unseal the damning deposition records, Steele’s decision was basically up to him.
Of course, Steele chose to make it an election issue as well. He’d look foolish if, having just accused Bruce Castor of doing nothing, he did nothing too. But again, that was Steele’s decision. Just as prosecuting “America’s Dad” in 2005 might have made Castor look bad, prosecuting America’s Rapist in 2015 makes Steele look good.
We imagine that district attorneys and other prosecutors are motivated by truth, justice, and the American way. But in fact, they are elected officials who paint in broad strokes for a mostly ignorant public; who, unlike judges, cannot be held accountable for their misconduct by oversight boards; and who exercise discretion so broad that the disposition of justice often lies entirely within their judgment.
Finally, of course, Tamir Rice and Bill Cosby have more in common than under-zealous prosecutors: both African-American males, one quite young and one quite old, operating in a system in which 95 percent of prosecutors are white and local police forces are 88 percent white.
For decades, Cosby was protected by his wealth, celebrity, class, and connections, particularly at Temple University. But he is the exception, not the rule. Black men comprise 6 percent of the U.S. population, but 35 percent of the prison population. They receive sentences roughly 10 percent more severe than white defendants convicted of identical crimes. And when they are perceived to be older than they are, bigger than they are, more dangerous than they are, or more violent than they are, their 88 percent-white police officers and 95 percent-white prosecutors exercise “discretion” in remarkably similar ways.
The United States is the only country in the world that elects prosecutors based on sloganeering and then holds them to no standard other than majority whim. After nearly 12 years, Bill Cosby has indeed been charged with a crime. But only because a prosecutor decided to do so—this time.

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Raise a Glass to These Progressive Victories in 2015 |
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Saturday, 02 January 2016 09:49 |
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Thindwa writes: "Progressives understandably avoid celebrating our successes. There's no joy in being proven tragically right, as in the case of the Iraq War. And most victories are partial - there's always a caveat."
Workers at a Fight for 15 protest in Chicago. (photo: Scott Olson/Getty Images)

Raise a Glass to These Progressive Victories in 2015
By James Thindwa, In These Times
02 January 16
From the death of the Keystone XL pipeline to Fight for 15 victories, progressives made have major strides this year–thanks to groundwork laid over the past decade.
rogressives understandably avoid celebrating our successes. There’s no joy in being proven tragically right, as in the case of the Iraq War. And most victories are partial—there’s always a caveat. Could it be, though, that our reluctance is sapping us of the verve needed for the struggles to come? In the long march for social and economic justice, we need to sound a few trumpets.
We have plenty to celebrate this year. Pushed by the worker-led OUR Walmart campaign, Walmart raised its minimum hourly wage to $9. Rivals T.J. Maxx, Marshalls and Target followed. Responding to the Fight for 15, McDonald’s raised wages for 90,000 workers (although not to $15 an hour). The year also saw the death of the Keystone XL pipeline, the abolition of the death penalty in Nebraska and the election of two politicians on pro-public education platforms—Philadelphia Mayor Jim Kenney and Louisiana Gov. John Bel Edwards—to name just a few.
Such victories don’t come from nowhere. Kenney and Edwards won because teachers unions have demonstrated that the billions of dollars spent on corporate education “reform” have failed to improve schools; that poverty is the main determinant of educational outcomes; and that privatization’s “winners and losers” ethos is bad for public education.
Indeed, progressives have been winning the contest of ideas for some time. The anti-Iraq War movement gave our fellow citizens permission to be skeptical about war. Seventy-one percent of the public now says Iraq was not worth it. Creative organizing by activists has reshaped the immigration debate: Even as GOP anti-immigrant fervor rises, 72 percent of the public thinks undocumented immigrants should have a way to stay. Thanks to 350.org and its alliance-building across the political spectrum, an overwhelming majority of Americans now support government action to mitigate climate change.
Amid a stultifying post-Cold War free-market triumphalism, the Occupy movement created space for the American public to embrace a critique of wealth. Sixty-three percent of Americans now say the distribution of wealth in the United States is unfair, and 52 percent favor heavy taxes on the rich as a fix. Nearly 60 percent approve of labor unions, and 70 percent support raising the federal minimum wage. In this context, Bernie Sanders’s campaign has thrived.
The debate about the Democratic Party’s progressive potential will continue, but clearly the demise of the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) in 2011 was a coup for progressives. Their centrist policies, a hallmark of Bill Clinton’s presidency, are in disrepute. Today the concerns of the Democratic base—racial justice, economic equity and equal rights for all people— dominate the party’s agenda. Hillary Clinton, the would-be DLC heir, finds it politically necessary to sound more and more like Sanders.
Of course, as a progressive, I must include a caveat. Though we have achieved tangible and meaningful change, we need a stronger social movement, greater funding and a firmly allied political party—be it
the Democratic Party or its replacement—to bring transformational and permanent change. But the consensus we have achieved on so many fronts is an important foundation for such change. For the moment, a little self- congratulation is appropriate.

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