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FOCUS: Bill Cosby and His Enablers Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=27654"><span class="small">Ta-Nehisi Coates, The Atlantic</span></a>   
Tuesday, 12 January 2016 12:38

Coates writes: "Long before the Black Lives Matter movement raised the problem of immoral police (and vigilante) violence, African Americans grappled with its reality and the seemingly impenetrable logic which undergirds it."

Bill Cosby arrives at court to face a felony charge of aggravated indecent assault in Pennsylvania. (photo: Mark Makela/Reuters)
Bill Cosby arrives at court to face a felony charge of aggravated indecent assault in Pennsylvania. (photo: Mark Makela/Reuters)


Bill Cosby and His Enablers

By Ta-Nehisi Coates, The Atlantic

12 January 16

 

Even victims of discrimination can look away from—and thereby enable—other forms of violence.

ong before the Black Lives Matter movement raised the problem of immoral police (and vigilante) violence, African Americans grappled with its reality and the seemingly impenetrable logic which undergirds it. The mind reels at the justifications proffered for killing a 12-year-old child, or the calculation that finds an officer raining blows on someone’s grandmother, or the science that encourages a man to fire a gun over his shoulder and into a crowd.

Fiction undergirds all of these acts—of furtive movements, reasonable fear, and therapy through violence. So strong is the power of the legitimizing narrative, that even those who are victims of these violent fictions are rarely deterred from crafting justifying fictions of their own. In the 19th and 20th century, the old discriminations against white ethnics—“no Irish need apply”—did very little to prevent those same white ethnics from engaging in anti-black racism.  Yet for a starker example, it may well better to look closer to home.

Two weeks ago, the comedian Eddie Griffin was asked about the torrent of sexual assault accusations made against Bill Cosby. “Did he rape these bitches?” asked Griffin. “All of them said the same thing—‘We went to the room.’ Why would you go to the room of a known married man?” Griffin seemed perplexed that Cosby’s accusers did not immediately report being assaulted by a millionaire and one of the most powerful black men in show business. “30 years?” asked Griffin. “I don’t understand that. That’s like a motherfucker robbing me, and I wait 30 years to call the police.”

Close observers of the long struggle against white supremacy will find Griffin’s formulation familiar. There is, off the top, a ruthless unacquaintance with the facts. Cosby has been accused of assaulting women, not merely in hotel rooms, but at his home, at a celebrity tennis tournament, backstage at show in Las Vegas,  backstage at The Tonight Show, and on the set of the Cosby Show. It is not very hard to know this—two minutes of Googling will suffice.

But the narrative of cunning “bitches” arriving at the hotel room of a married man has a kind of resonance that drugging women on the set of a family-friendly television show does not. Similarly, the narrative of thuggish black boys in hoodies has a kind of resonance that child-murder does not. In fact, there is no real difference in claiming that a woman in an married man’s hotel room forgoes the right to her body, and asserting that a black boy wearing a hoodie forgoes the right to his. Brutality is brutality, and it always rests on a bed of lies.

Too, it rests on animus. One official of the pirate government of Ferguson joked that dogs might qualify for welfare because they are “mixed in color, unemployed, lazy, can’t speak English and have no frigging clue who their Daddies are.” Cosby’s accusers are “bitches.” Last year an incredulous Damon Wayans tried to understand the behavior of some of Cosby’s victims. “Bitch, how many times did it happen?” asked Wayans. “Just listen to what they're saying and some of them really [are] un-rape-able. I just look at them and go, 'You don't want that. Get out of here.’”

Whether for the thrill of domination or the balancing of a municipal budget, animus justifies plunder. The scorned enjoy no rights that the powerful must respect. And like all powerful elements seeking to sanctify their use of violence, these apologists employ history selectively.“How big is his penis that it gives you amnesia for 40 years?” continued Wayans. Of course Cosby has faced many more recent claims—including the 2004 incident for which he was recently arrested, in which civil claims were first filed in 2005.

No matter. The unspoken logic here holds that there has always been some sort of legitimate system for hearing and adjudicating plunder. In the case of rape, no such system existed 40 years ago, 30 years ago or 20 years ago. It’s arguable that it still does not exist today. In much the same way, no such system existed to bring to the victims of the Chicago police officer John Burge until decades after his campaign of torture began. Burge began torturing black Chicagoans in 1972, and was never convicted by the local courts. Reparations were not granted until last year.

Criminals flourish when no credible system exists to adjudicate the claims of their victims. When asked why they did not report the crimes of Daniel Holtzclaw, a police officer charged with targeting and raping poor black women, many of his victims said the same thing: Who would have believed them? Effectively Holtzclaw had found a hole in the law, and he was only convicted after he deviated from his pattern.

Much like it is impossible to understand the killing of Tamir Rice as murder without some study of racism, it is impossible to imagine Bill Cosby as a rapist without understanding the larger framework. (For instance, it took until 1993 for all 50 states to criminalize marital rape.) Rape is systemic. And like all systems of brutality it does not exist merely at the pleasure of its most direct actors. It depends on healthy host-body of people willing to look away.

It is always particularly painful to see those who have been victimized by a habitual looking away to then turn around and do it themselves. But what it illustrates is that the line between victim and victimizer is largely circumstantial.  There was always some number of black men who invoked Trayvon Martin’s name simply because he was a black male, simply because it could have been them. “It could be me” is a fine starting place for confronting the evils of the world, but a really poor conclusion. If no broader theory of sympathy and humanism emerges beyond one’s mean particularism, then all we really are left with are tribalism and power.  

Only tribalism and power can explain the theory put forth by Cosby’s defenders--that some 40 women have joined together in a wide-ranging conspiracy to bring a powerful black man down. Why this plot would target an aging entertainer well past his prime and not, say, the first black president is left unasked. We, too, are capable of fictions because, as it turns out, oppression confers no wisdom and is rarely self-improving. There is no virtue in being kicked in face. The virtue is all in what you do after.  

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Meet the Militia: The Zealots, Cowboys and 'Rogue Infidels' of the Oregon Insurgency Print
Tuesday, 12 January 2016 09:22

Dickinson writes: "The Oregon militants are proving as stubborn as they are self-righteous, and their armed occupation of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge shows no signs of resolving soon."

In recent days, a group of white militiamen protesting government 'tyranny' have occupied a wildlife refuge in Oregon. (photo: Rob Kerr/Getty Images)
In recent days, a group of white militiamen protesting government 'tyranny' have occupied a wildlife refuge in Oregon. (photo: Rob Kerr/Getty Images)


ALSO SEE: How the Bundy Standoff Could Screw Over Ranchers

Meet the Militia: The Zealots, Cowboys and 'Rogue Infidels' of the Oregon Insurgency

By Tim Dickinson, Rolling Stone

12 January 16

 

Here are the men behind the militia calling itself Citizens for Constitutional Freedom

he Oregon militants are proving as stubborn as they are self-righteous, and their armed occupation of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge shows no signs of resolving soon.

Not even near-unanimous opposition to their occupation by the very community the militiamen claim to be liberating from federal "tyranny" is making these men second-guess their hard stand. Nor are the occupiers heeding the plea of the Burns Piaute Tribe — who claim the refuge as part of their ancestral land — to "get the hell out of here."

Who are the men behind the militia calling itself Citizens for Constitutional Freedom?

Meet the key occupiers:


Ammon Bundy
Age:
40
Who: Leader of the takeover.
Where he's from: The Bundy family ranch is in Bunkerville, Nevada — home to father Cliven Bundy, the infamous anti-government deadbeat who owes the feds nearly $1 million in unpaid grazing fees and fines. Ammon Bundy has strong ties to Arizona, but he recently moved to Emmett, Idaho, not far from Boise.
Backstory: Bundy owns a garage near Phoenix that repairs and maintains corporate truck fleets. Though he's staging an occupation to protest the tyranny of the federal government, Bundy solicited a $530,000 federal loan guarantee for his business, a taxpayer subsidy the feds valued at $22,419.
Distinctive markings: Wears fleece-lined blue flannel jacket, brown cowboy hat.
Style: Soft spoken, with the earnest intensity of a man who believes he's on a mission from God. On January 1, he posed a video for his followers: "I ask you now to come to Harney county to participate in this wonderful thing that the Lord is about to accomplish."

Ryan Bundy
Age:
43
Who: The other Bundy on-scene; Ammon's brother, and Cliven's oldest son.
Where he's from: Ryan Bundy lives in Cedar City Utah, north of Zion National Park, where he reportedly owns a construction company.
Backstory: Ryan Bundy has had many minor run-ins with authorities. In September, he was in court for a misdemeanor charge of failing to register a dump truck on his land. Every bit a Bundy, he declared, "This is a violation of private property rights," adding, "I'm not their serf, and I'm not their slave." Ryan Bundy was also arrested last year after a scuffle with sheriff's deputies, following an incident in which he liberated his horse after it had wandered near an airport and got picked up by animal control.
Distinctive markings: Has muscle atrophy on half of his face from a car accident in childhood: "My head was run over by a Ford LTD," he explains in this video.
Style: Angrier in affect than his brother, Ryan may have less conviction in the cause. He floated an exit strategy earlier this week suggesting the militants could go home — if the community asked them to. Ryan quickly walked that back the next day, telling Oregon Public Broadcasting: "If there was one thing I said that you should have forgotten, it's that."

Jon Ritzheimer
Age: 32
Who: Anti-Muslim militant.
Where he's from: Ritzheimer is an Iraq War vet who makes his home near Phoenix.
Backstory: Ritzheimer gained national attention as the leader of the armed protest of the Islamic Community Center of Phoenix last May; he wore a T-Shirt reading "Fuck Islam" — sold by an apparel line called Rogue Infidel, which Ritzheimer lists as his workplace on Facebook. Ritzheimer has been on the radar of federal and state law enforcement for months. After he made a threatening video featuring himself on a road trip to the East Coast cocking a gun and spouting anti-Islamic rhetoric, the FBI reportedly alerted New York authorities. New Jersey's Homeland Security department flagged Ritzheimer in a December 2015 alert: "MILITIA EXTREMISTS: THREATENING THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY." Ritzheimer has proven too extreme even for the Oath Keepers; the militant group denounced Ritzheimer after he threatened to arrest Sen. Debbie Stabenow (D-Michigan) for "treason" over her vote for the Iran deal. Ritzheimer now identifies with the militant movement the Three Percenters. (Here's a primer.)
Distinctive markings: Shaved head, baseball goatee and a chest tattoo featuring the American flag with the words "Hard Knock Life." Ritzheimer writes that he departed the military over a dispute about his tattoos.
Style: "He often comes across as literally unhinged," said Heidi Beirich of the Southern Poverty Law Center. Ritzheimer burst to attention in the early hours of the Oregon standoff after posting a tearful goodbye video to his family in which he declared, "I am 100 percent willing to lay my life down to fight against tyranny in this country. Does that mean I want war? Does that make me some kind of war monger? NO!"

Blaine Cooper
Age: 36
Who: Ritzheimer's sidekick. Cooper brought national mockery on the militants with a Facebook post asking sympathizers to send snacks.
Where he's from: Cooper reportedly lives in Humboldt, Arizona. His LinkedIn profile identifies him as the owner of a media company called Third Watch Productions.
Backstory: Like his buddy Ritzheimer, Cooper is a virulent anti-Islamic extremist. He posted this video of himself tearing pages out of the Koran, wadding them up with strips of bacon and tossing them in a fire. In 2013 , Cooper claimed he was questioned by the FBI after making a Facebook post musing about an armed revolution in which "lots of people are going to die."
Distinctive markings: While many of the militants prefer ranchwear, Cooper prefers full camo fatigues.
Style: A footsoldier soldier for the cause. Cooper previously participated in the standoff at the Bundy Ranch. "I went there to defend Cliven with my life," he told The Oregonian.

LaVoy Finicum
Age: 55
Who: Finicum gained fame as #TarpMan on Tuesday by stationing himself outside at night under a blue tarpaulin with a rifle, waiting, he said, for federal agents.
Where he's from: Finicum hails from Fredionia, Arizona, near the Utah border.
Backstory: For an aging rancher, Finicum is PR savvy. His slick website, OneCowboyStandForFreedom.com includes this bio: "LaVoy Finicum is a Northern Arizona Rancher who loves nothing more in life than God, family, and freedom." The father of 11 is a constitutional originalist. "We are living in a day when that supreme law of the land has been shredded by the very government that took an oath to uphold it," he writes. "By their actions the Federal Government has become lawless and stalks the liberties of this land under the guise of social justice." Finicum is also the author of a work of apocalyptic fiction — Only By Blood and Suffering: Regaining Lost Freedom — described as a "fast-paced novel about what matters most in the face of devastating end-times chaos." It is blurbed by Cliven Bundy: "A book you do not want to read, but must..."
Distinctive markings: The oldest of the top militants. Wears earmuffs, camo jacket.
Style: Some men are cowboy poets; Finicum is a cowboy legal scholar. In the militants' press conferences Finicum frequently lingers at the microphones, waxing at length about the constitutional abuses of the federal government. Finnicum seems disturbingly at ease with dying out at the refuge. "There are things more important than your life and freedom is one of them," he said, adding he would fight arrest: "I have no intention of spending any of my days in a concrete box."

"Captain Moroni"
Age: Unknown
Where he's from: Utah, he's said.
Backstory: The name Captain Moroni is lifted from Mormon scripture. In fact, several militants have said their standoff with the feds draws inspiration from this story. In the Book of Mormon, Captain Moroni is an ancient warrior who armed his people, leading a stand against the tyranny of a wicked ruler who sought to "destroy the foundation of liberty which God had granted." In a written statement the LDS church has denounced the occupiers: "Church leaders strongly condemn the armed seizure of the facility and are deeply troubled by the reports that those who have seized the facility suggest that they are doing so based on scriptural principles. This armed occupation can in no way be justified on a scriptural basis."
Style: He told Oregon Public Broadcasting, "I didn't come here to shoot, I came here to die."


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'Failure to Supervise' Goes All the Way to the Top Print
Tuesday, 12 January 2016 09:20

Excerpt: "My father, Eric Garner, was killed by New York Police Department officer Daniel Pantaleo a year and a half ago, but last week marks the department's first official charge of wrongdoing in his case. The charge was not made against Pantaleo, the officer who placed my father in a fatal - and illegal - chokehold, but against Sgt. Kizzy Adonis, one of two supervising officers at the scene."

New York City mayor Bill de Blasio, Commissioner Bill Bratton and Police Union President Pat Lynch. (photo: Polaris)
New York City mayor Bill de Blasio, Commissioner Bill Bratton and Police Union President Pat Lynch. (photo: Polaris)


'Failure to Supervise' Goes All the Way to the Top

By Erica Garner and Kemi Alabi, Reader Supported News

12 January 16

 

y father, Eric Garner, was killed by New York Police Department officer Daniel Pantaleo a year and a half ago, but last week marks the department's first official charge of wrongdoing in his case. The charge was not made against Pantaleo, the officer who placed my father in a fatal -- and illegal -- chokehold, but against Sgt. Kizzy Adonis, one of two supervising officers at the scene.

We know Sgt. Adonis wasn't even assigned on patrol during the incident. According to Ed Mullins, head of the sergeants' union, she "responded at her own initiative." She wasn't the borough or zone commander. Yet Sgt. Adonis, stripped of her gun and badge, is now being charged on four counts of "failure to supervise."

Though I never find myself agreeing with Mullins, a pathetic imitation of Pat Lynch, we share this opinion: The charges against Adonis are ridiculous.

Adonis, who was promoted to sergeant two weeks before my dad's death, wasn't part of the team that piled on his back. In the video that captured the incident, we all see Adonis creep away. What we didn't see? She went to the ambulance stationed on the corner of Bay Street. According to witnesses at the scene, Adonis spoke to an EMT and made an additional call for assistance -- I guess no one else planned on saving my father's life that day.

So why is Sgt. Adonis the only one facing charges? One guess: like my father, Sgt. Adonis is black.

We know black police officers can feel like outsiders within the force. We know that black officers in Chicago are punished more than twice as often as white ones. Sgt. Adonis witnessed an incident of anti-black police brutality, one that would inspire protests around the world, and had to hold her composure among her white colleagues. I can only imagine what was going through her mind.

The manager of Bay Beauty Supply heard Sgt. Adonis say to the other officers, "Let up, you got him already." Maybe she knew her day was coming. Maybe it was just a matter of time.

If Sgt. Adonis can be charged with failure to supervise, then I expect the other sergeant at the scene to be charged as well. Charge the zone commander. Charge the borough commander. Charge the Police Commissioner. Charge the Mayor. Our entire political system justifies the murder of black citizens, and the "failure to supervise" goes all the way to the top.

Look at Freddie Gray's case. Look at Sandra Bland's. Instead of transparency and accountability, we get wrist slaps and scapegoating -- and make no mistake, the charges against Sgt. Adonis are no more than this. We can't be satisfied with these meaningless actions. If we want true accountability for racist state violence, we'll need to raise our voices and call out these moves for what they really are: failure to protect, failure to serve and failure to lead.

After a grand jury failed to indict the officers responsible for 12-year-old Tamir Rice's death, his mother, Samaria Rice, laid the matter out plain and simple:

"Due to the corrupt system, I have a dead child."

We need leaders willing to call out the corruption of our criminal justice system and clean it top-to-bottom. This year, as candidates run for local and national offices, we'll hear them claim black lives matter. They'll promise change. They'll do their best to win over black and brown voters longing for justice. Then, once elected, they'll turn their backs on us and uphold the same corrupt status quo.

Not me.

If I run for congress, I guarantee full transparency and accountability. It's time to step up and become the leaders we've been waiting for. It's time we stopped demanding justice from others and started creating it for ourselves. For Freddie Gray. For Sandra Bland. For Tamir Rice. For Eric Garner. Who's with me?



Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Trump Bullies, Boasts and Bullshits in Bernie's Burlington Print
Monday, 11 January 2016 14:48

Allen writes: "Donald Trump held a private party disguised as campaign event on January 7 in a 1,400-seat theater in in Burlington, Vt. Sitting in the audience was like watching blood dry - a convergence of the compellingly grotesque and the mind-numbingly boring."

Supporters turn to show their support as a protestor interrupts an address by Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump during a campaign stop at the Flynn Center of the Performing Arts in Burlington, Vt., Thursday, Jan. 7, 2016. (photo: Charles Krupa/AP)
Supporters turn to show their support as a protestor interrupts an address by Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump during a campaign stop at the Flynn Center of the Performing Arts in Burlington, Vt., Thursday, Jan. 7, 2016. (photo: Charles Krupa/AP)


Trump Bullies, Boasts and Bullshits in Bernie's Burlington

By Terry J. Allen, In These Times

11 January 16

 

Sitting in the audience was like watching blood dry—a convergence of the compellingly grotesque and the mind-numbingly boring.

onald Trump held a private party disguised as campaign event on January 7 in a 1,400-seat theater in in Burlington, Vt. Sitting in the audience was like watching blood dry—a convergence of the compellingly grotesque and the mind-numbingly boring. Grotesque, I had expected, but having seen clips of Trump, I anticipated being entertained by his clownish braggadocio and fact-challenged hyperbole.

No such luck. The rambling, disjointed speech he burbled in the heart of Bernie’s base was a exercise in dull, smug narcissism. Like a kitten distracted by a shiny object, Trump rambled from point to point. His only unifying themes were bullying, bullshit and boast. The bullying was aimed at people either too politically weak (refugees and immigrants) or too distant to counter his weak-wristed slaps (every other candidate—none of whom could match to his exemplary standards of deal making, intelligence, courage, wealth, and charm).

But for his fans, the verbal effluvia fertilized their enthusiasm. And the boasts, a simulacrum of substance, formed the core of the talk. On video, the bragging seems amusingly ridiculous, but in person, mouthed by an actual human, it is strangely childish, sad, and barely coherent—like listening to lonely, beer sodden frat boys declare their drinking and sexual prowess.

Waving his arms like a stoned discus hurler, Trump referred endlessly to himself. He declared, with mock amazement that people called him “plainspoken.” But I went to an Ivy League School, Wharton, and have the most extensive vocabulary of any candidate. Maybe plainspoken is a compliment, he pondered. He went on to prove the point by patting himself on the back for nailing his rivals, all of them, with just the perfect word: “stupid.” He also crowed that he had the highest IQ of any candidate.

The crowd swallowed the red meat and spit out the facts. One attendee said she loved Trump because he represented the idea that anyone who works hard can get rich—not just people who are given things for nothing or—creating her own irony-free zone—get $1 million handed to them. (That exact sum, which Trump described as “a small loan” from his father, was Trump’s start-up money, later enhanced by a $40 million inheritance.) What did she think of the fact that the greatest predictor of wealth in America is parental wealth? “I disagree,” she replied.

On the rare occasions Trump referred to actual policy or politics, he created an alternative universe in which he held, or deserved, the starring role. The Iran deal was a negotiating disaster—Obama is the worst negotiator in the world, he declared—because America paid billions to Iran to sign. (The deal mostly freed Iran’s own frozen assets.) He would have solved the Iran negotiations by walking out of the room until the intimidated Iranians caved.

Misinformation, deception and lies marked the planning and execution of the event as well as the content. The campaign apparently feared opponents and Bernie supporters might pack the room or get tickets and boycott the show, leaving an embarrassingly empty hall. So to ensure an adequate selection of true-believers, Trump issued 20,000 online tickets— for a 1,400-seat venue. The exponential overbooking created a pre-event line that stretched for blocks. At the theater door, Trump’s minions screened the ticket holders and turned away anyone who admitted not being a supporter or even being undecided.

The ruse not only dissed his own followers, who had stood for hours in the cold, but risked sparking public disorder. After word came out regarding its massive ticket dump, the Trump camp “stopped returning the department’s calls,” said annoyed Burlington Police Chief Brandon del Pozo.

A secret service officer regularly detailed to campaign events across the country said he had never seen or heard of such overbooking.

The city of Burlington, less than thrilled by Trump’s high handedness and disregard for public safety, also lamented the cost to taxpayers of dealing with the circus. A spokesperson said the campaign will get a bill for the mess, but since, as Trump boasts, he runs a self-funded vanity campaign, the bill will go straight to The Donald—and presumably The Trash Bin.

Nor was the theater’s executive director delighted. He had been promised a no-sign event only to have Trump people distribute stacks of campaign signs inside the elegant old hall. “They lied to us,” he told VtDigger.com, shaking his head, telling an assistant to not bother to try to take them back.

Meanwhile hundreds of protesters, including several state politicians, filled the street opposite the theater to chant, play music, and rally the anti-Trump and pro-Bernie forces. Anger at Trump’s fascism, racism, misogyny, and anti-immigrant and refugees attacks was blended with humor. One group, in Star Wars storm trooper garb, held aloft a large sign proclaiming “The Dark Side for Trump.” The Kountry Kart Deli, adjacent to the theater, offered a Donald Trump sandwich: Bologna on white bread, “filled with B.S. (bacon slices).”

As the evening wore on the hundreds of protesters outside were joined by the few who had made it inside, raised a ruckus, and were ejected by Trump goons. In his speech, after claiming he loved the 1st amendment as much as the 2nd, Trump informed the audience that this was a private event because he had bought and paid for the space, and protesters were not welcome. If anyone disrupts, he told the attendees, drown them by chanting “Trump” until security can dispose of them. Scattered outburst did indeed punctuate the talk, and while Trump at first declared himself amused, he soon turned vindictive. Throw them out, he ordered of one disruptor, but “confiscate” his coat.

Media were supposed to be relegated to the very back of the hall and were advised to bring extenders for their cameras. Since I lacked a massive lens or a liking for following orders, I just took a seat up front. The better to bask in Trump’s golden glow and see the show from the crowd’s perspective.

But in the end it was poor entertainment and even poorer politics. More bored than outraged, I left before the sad spectacle ended and joined the companionable assembly gathered outside.


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Why Sean Penn's El Chapo Meeting Was an 'Epic Insult' to Imperiled Mexican Journalists Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=33821"><span class="small">Peter Holley, The Washington Post</span></a>   
Monday, 11 January 2016 14:46

Holley writes: "The Mexico City bureau chief for the Dallas Morning News has said the story - published Saturday by Rolling Stone and submitted for Joaquin 'El Chapo' Guzman's approval before it was made public - is evidence of the inherent conflict between journalism and entertainment."

Sean Penn and then-fugitive Joaquin 'El Chapo' Guzman are pictured on Oct. 2, in a photo taken for verification purposes. After a long dinner and conversation, Chapo granted the actor's request for an interview that was published in Rolling Stone magazine. (photo: Rolling Stone)
Sean Penn and then-fugitive Joaquin 'El Chapo' Guzman are pictured on Oct. 2, in a photo taken for verification purposes. After a long dinner and conversation, Chapo granted the actor's request for an interview that was published in Rolling Stone magazine. (photo: Rolling Stone)


Why Sean Penn's El Chapo Meeting Was an 'Epic Insult' to Imperiled Mexican Journalists

By Peter Holley, The Washington Post

11 January 16

 

s the Mexico City bureau chief for the Dallas Morning News for almost two decades, Alfredo Corchado has been on the front lines of the journalistic struggle to document the brutal toll of drug violence across Mexico.

That struggle is among the world’s deadliest, with more than 60 Mexican journalists killed or having disappeared over the past decade, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.

“Mexico is one of the world’s most dangerous countries for journalists,” according to Reporters Without Borders. “They are threatened and murdered by organized crime or corrupt officials with impunity. The resulting climate of fear leads to self-censorship and undermines freedom of information.”

Stories about government corruption, Mexico’s middle-class exodus and drug violence have placed Corchado on the receiving end of numerous death threats that have forced him to flee the country for months at a time. Like many of his courageous Mexican contemporaries, he has attempted to forge ahead, even as entire regions of the embattled nation — Sinaloa, Tamaulipas and Durango — have had their independent media silenced by the specter of violence.

In these places, Corchado notes, nobody prints anything without cartel approval, including — it would seem — Sean Penn.

For Corchado and many of his colleagues, therein lies the problem with the American actor’s controversial first-person account of meeting with the notorious drug lord Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán. Corchado said the story — published Saturday by Rolling Stone and submitted for Guzmán’s approval before it was made public — is evidence of the inherent conflict between journalism and entertainment.

“When you’re not really challenging the person and have agreed to submit the story for approval, it sounds more like a Hollywood entertainment,” Corchado, who was recently named the borderlands director of Arizona State’s Walter Cronkite’s School of Journalism, told The Washington Post. “It’s not on par with the sacrifice of many of my colleagues in Mexico and throughout the world who have lost their lives fighting censorship.”

“Is he serving the public or is he aggrandizing himself?” he added, referring to Penn.

It’s a question that has rippled across the journalism world, with the Rolling Stone story drawing as much criticism as it has undoubtedly drawn clicks.

As The Post’s Dana Priest reported in December, newspaper readers in Mexico “are unaware of the life-and-death decisions editors make every day not to anger different local cartel commanders.”

Hildebrando “Brando” Deandar Ayala — editor in chief of El Mañana, one of the oldest and largest newspapers in the region with a print circulation of 30,000 — told Priest that submitting to cartel censorship demands is a self-preservation tactic.

“You do it or you die, and nobody wants to die,” he told The Post. “Auto censura — self-censorship — that’s our shield.”

He added: “The readers hate us sometimes. But they don’t know the real risks we go through.”

Priest’s report noted that “four El Mañana journalists have been killed in the past 10 years. Others survived assassination attempts, kidnappings, and grenade and machine-gun attacks on their offices. Deandar has been shot, kidnapped and had his home set on fire, he said.”

The report added:

The three largest U.S. newspapers nearby — the Brownsville Herald, the Monitor in McAllen, Tex., and the Laredo Morning Times — forbid their reporters from crossing to report because it’s too dangerous, according to the editors at the newspapers.

To many observers, Penn’s sometimes playful prose revealed a troubling admiration for the man who “is one of the main players in the country’s bloody drug wars, which have claimed at least 100,000 lives over the last decade,” according to Quartz.

“As you dive deeper into the meandering mess, it becomes clear that Penn holds some sort of Hollywood-inspired reverence for El Chapo,” Gawker’s Melissa Cronin writes in a post that catalogues the story’s worst lines.

For others, Penn’s controversial account was reminiscent of the magazine’s 9,000-word debacle about a gang rape at the University of Virginia that never occurred.

Jeet Heer, a senior editor for the New Republic, alluded to the fabricated account on Twitter, writing: “Rolling Stone sets standard journalist ethics aside to get story that will attract enormous attention. What could go wrong?”

Others, such as Vice correspondent Danny Gold, called out journalists for their hypocrisy. He argued that Penn did what any other journalist desperate for the most sought-after scoop in the world would have done, according to CNN.

“Never a fan of Penn’s journalism,” Gold wrote, “but me and every other journo would have compromised a whole lot more to get an interview with El Chapo. Anyone else who says otherwise is lying.”

MSNBC’s Chris Hayes noted that ethical considerations have a way of becoming immaterial in the face of “enormous traffic.”

Joel Simon, the executive director of the Committee to Protect Journalists, told The Post that he would let the media debate the ethics of Penn’s actions. Before making a judgement, however, he suggested that people consider the degree of self-censorship occurring in communities across Mexico. Journalists in Mexico, he noted, receive no protection from their government, which is often complicit in the risks they take to write about.

Considering that meetings with high-level cartel members and the media are “highly unusual,” but not unheard of, he said the actor’s story should be judged by what it reveals.

“Should journalists ever interview criminals?” Simon asked. “I would say sure.”

“But if you as a journalist interview someone like El Chapo, you better deliver some valuable and important information, in my view,” he added. “In this particular instance, he had an assignment for a highly visible and important publication, and whether he delivered a story worthy of the risks he took, that’s something the editors have to decide and the media itself should be debating.”

The leader of the Sinaloa cartel, who had been locked up in what has been described as the country’s most impenetrable prison, was recaptured in western Mexico after a shootout that left five dead.

Noting how rare such an interview is, Corchado said he hopes some insight will come from giving the public any glimpse of the criminal mastermind. And yet, he’s still troubled by how the information was acquired.

“Do I or other journalists wish we would have gotten the interview?” he added. “Of course, but I doubt that we would have been provided with the same protections of a Hollywood star. The interview also came with big strings attached, like final approval by Chapo of the article. That amounts to similar censorship that my Mexican colleagues face today. Except if they don’t comply, they may not live to tell about it.”


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