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Tamir Rice and Laquan McDonald Avenged at the Ballot Box Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=37592"><span class="small">Goldie Taylor, The Daily Beast</span></a>   
Thursday, 17 March 2016 13:46

Taylor writes: "Their names never appeared on a ballot, but two black boys dashed the re-election hopes of two district attorneys and continue to influence state contests in the Democratic presidential primary - from their graves."

Protesters march against killings of African-Americans by police officers. (photo: Angelo Merendino/Getty)
Protesters march against killings of African-Americans by police officers. (photo: Angelo Merendino/Getty)


Tamir Rice and Laquan McDonald Avenged at the Ballot Box

By Goldie Taylor, The Daily Beast

17 March 16

 

Voters just ousted two district attorneys who failed to bring swift justice for the victims of police shootings.

heir names never appeared on a ballot, but two black boys dashed the re-election hopes of two district attorneys and continue to influence state contests in the Democratic presidential primary—from their graves. 

Tamir Rice and Laquan McDonald were killed by police officers but, despite both incidences being captured on videotape, many believe justice was delayed and ultimately denied. How prosecutors chose to handle the ensuing investigations—one in Cleveland, the other in Chicago— sparked widespread demonstrations and likely sealed the fates of two elected officials in the March 15 primaries.

Anita Alvarez, state’s attorney for Cook County, Illinois since 2008, and Cuyahoga County, Ohio prosecutor Tim McGinty, who first took office in 2013, both lost handily to primary challengers. Many believe the election results should send a clear signal to prosecutors around the country, the vast majority of whom are re-elected with no meaningful opposition. Once in office, a district attorney can typically expect to retire from the job unless they decide to move on. 

“It was a huge win for activists,” said Ben Wikler, the Washington director for MoveOn.org. “About 95 percent of prosecutors run for re-election unopposed.”

Notably, McGinty lost Tuesday’s primary against Democratic challenger Mike O’Malley by 10 points. Chicagoans, on the other hand, did more than turn the page. They threw the book at a district attorney who was targeted with the Twitter hashtag #ByeAnita. Alvarez was trounced by Chicago native Robin Foxx, 58 to 28 percent.

In a case that captured national headlines, McGinty refused to bring charges in the shooting death of Tamir Rice, a 12-year-old black boy. Despite compelling evidence that the officers involved falsified reports and violated departmental policy, McGinty took a full year to make the announcement and some believe he intentionally steered the grand jury away from issuing an indictment. At one point, McGinty publicly accused the Rice family of attempting to profit from Tamir’s death. Cleveland police officer Timothy Loehmann, who had been fired from a neighboring department after repeatedly failing training exercises, fatally shot Tamir—who had a toy gun—within two seconds of encountering him.  

Meanwhile, in Chicago, District Attorney Alvarez faced the ire of community activists after she was suspected of helping delay the investigation into the death of Laquan McDonald. The teenager was shot in October 2014, but it took more than a year and a judge’s order to force the release of police dash camera video. The images, replayed in a near-constant loop on cable news networks, were shocking and accusations that the tape had been hidden for political purposes quickly mounted. McDonald, 17, who presented no immediate danger to the responding officers, was shot 16 times as he darted into a roadway blocked off by squad cars. 

While Alvarez eventually charged officer Jason Van Dyke with first-degree murder, she was seen as part of a larger problem: Can prosecutors be trusted to rigorously investigate and bring charges against police officers who commit crimes while in uniform?

“The Alvarez result demonstrates that there will be accountability,” Wikler said. “Not only does the movement have moral power, it has political power.”

The fall-out, however, did not end with locally elected officials. 

The two remaining candidates for the Democratic presidential nomination—Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders—were at the top of both ballots. While Illinois proved to be a close contest, Clinton won Ohio comfortably. Some voters came chiefly to send home a prosecutor, but they also pulled the lever for a presidential candidate.

Sanders clearly benefitted from an uptick in turnout among younger voters in upstate Illinois—the site of recent protests at a Trump rally—and has increased his support with black voters in some states. But Clinton, who has bested the Vermont senator among older African Americans (especially women), walked away with wins in both states because of sheer depth and breadth of that support. Young black voters turned out in key districts, but their mothers, aunts, and grandmothers showed up too. 

Just as it is a mistake to label every young black demonstrator a member of #BlackLivesMatter, it is equally wrong to assume that older voters are not taking their cues from what they see unfolding in the streets. They may not always agree with the method, but the cause of social justice is clearly a cross-generational unifier. News organizations tend to calculate BLM’s influence only in terms of its impact on millennials and frequently overlook how it may be driving behavioral patterns in other voting segments. Clearly older black women, the lion’s share of whom support Clinton, decided they’d had enough of McGinty and Alvarez. 

Without question, the races in Ohio and Illinois demonstrated the political clout of #BlackLivesMatter and other progressive groups like MoveOn.org. Before Tuesday night, prognosticators openly groused that the movement would not be able to convert activism to actual ballots cast. Losses for Alvarez and McGinty not only disprove that theorem, but also now call into question how political power of activists is measured. Clearly, BLM’s impact was felt long before the ballot box opened.

“Both Democratic candidates speaking forcefully about social justice is a huge tribute to the extraordinary organization,” Wikler said. “It’s redefined the debate.”

Together with activists from around the country, BLM lifted the names of Laquan, Tamir and others who were victims of police violence into the national consciousness. The boys are more than hashtags. They embody the heart and soul of a powerful political movement, whose full influence has yet to be measured. 

McGinty and Alvarez are likely just the beginning.

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FOCUS: The Paradox of Being a Black Role Model Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=33264"><span class="small">Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, TIME</span></a>   
Thursday, 17 March 2016 11:57

Abdul-Jabbar writes: "Being a black role model is a double-edged sword of inspiration and frustration."

Kareem Abdul-Jabbar. (photo: Brad Barket/Getty)
Kareem Abdul-Jabbar. (photo: Brad Barket/Getty)


The Paradox of Being a Black Role Model

By Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, TIME

17 March 16

 

Wildly successful role models reflect the tyranny of low expectations

he U.S. president and a prima ballerina.

Throw in a rabbi and a priest and you’ve got the start of a classic watercooler joke. But add first black American President and first black female principal dancer for the American Ballet Theatre and it’s no longer a joke but an uplifting ideal for a new generation of African Americans. Two shining role models of how diligence, discipline and perseverance can overcome even the most daunting obstacles to achieve the American Dream. But being a black role model is a double-edged sword of inspiration and frustration.

Yes, you are an inspiration to children of color—living proof that although you face a lot of closed doors, they aren’t all locked. For Barack Obama, the doors were double-locked: no black person had ever been President, and no one from Hawaii had ever been President. So too for Misty Copeland: she started ballet at 13—late for a dancer—and had the “wrong” body type. Yet somehow they both rolled the Sisyphean rock of being black to the top of the mountain, and it stayed.

The frustration for the black role model is knowing that, though you are proof it can be done—a happy lottery winner waving a million-dollar ticket—the odds are so astronomically stacked against you that it sometimes feels as if you’re more the source of false hope and crushed dreams. A casino shill they let win so the suckers will keep playing the slots. Americans have been blasting the “land of opportunity” playlist from birth. At every opportunity, rousing odds-beating success stories are trotted out in history textbooks and popular media to spangle the Dream like a beauty queen at a supermarket opening.

Unfortunately, the American Dream has lost a lot of luster in recent years. Rather than shine like a bright beacon of hope to optimists everywhere, it winks like a battery-drained flashlight in a horror movie. A 2014 New York Times poll discovered that only 64% of Americans agreed that they still believed in the American Dream, the lowest result in nearly 20 years. Loss of faith is even higher among America’s youth. A 2015 Harvard Institute of Politics national poll found that 48% of 18-to-29-year-olds considered the American Dream to be “dead.” As Bruce Springsteen said, “I have spent my life judging the distance between American reality and the American Dream.”

For Americans of color, closing that gap may seem like a bridge too far. Having successful ethnic role models is great because it affirms the country’s commitment to the principle of equal opportunity. But at the same time we see police killing unarmed African Americans, voter-ID laws keeping poor minorities from the ballot, the federal government slashing programs that offer food and medical care, assaults on affirmative action and an inferior education for poorer children of color, which will keep them out of higher education and better-paying jobs. The door is not just closed and locked—it’s boarded, nailed and cemented shut.

So when we hold up wildly successful role models, we’re telling those who can’t overcome the towering obstacles blocking their progress that they are to blame for their failure. They just didn’t try hard enough, weren’t clever enough, didn’t have the fortitude. That’s like blaming rape victims for not running away. This is the tyranny of low expectations.

Role models of color face a unique form of judgment. If you’re black and you fail, many will claim you failed because blacks aren’t up to the task. But if you’re black and you succeed, they will then claim that you succeeded because you’re black and were given an advantage. You are not allowed to succeed or fail on your own merits. Yet if George W. Bush is judged to be a bad President, no one says, “Well, we tried a white guy and it didn’t work, so no more white Presidents.” Or Southerners. Or Texans. Or self-portraitists in the shower.

The irony is that despite generations of closed doors, it is people of color who have the most faith in the American Dream. A 2015 CNN/Kaiser Family Foundation poll found 55% of blacks and 52% of Hispanics believed it was easier for them to attain the American Dream than it was for their parents. Only 35% of whites believed that. This brazen optimism in the face of systemic racism is in large part due to pioneering role models like Misty Copeland and President Obama.

In 11.22.63, a Hulu series based on Stephen King’s novel, a man time-travels to the past to prevent the assassination of President Kennedy. But his attempts to change history are met with supernatural resistance because, as a character tells him, the past doesn’t want to be changed: “The past pushes back.” So does American culture. We fear change so much that we fight it, even when change reflects our founding principles. We just have to push against the pushing. Only harder.

That’s what Misty Copeland and President Obama have done their whole lives. Which makes them role models not just for people of color but for all Americans. •

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FOCUS | The Killing Fields of Baghdad: The Case of Hillary, Layla, and "Little Deer" Print
Thursday, 17 March 2016 10:56

Bernstein writes: "Many who mourned the death of Layla al-Attar believed the Clintons' silence was clearly a political choice, not to call attention to the killing of such a prominent woman, a leader in the art world of the Middle East. Others believed it was a not 'collateral damage' as Clinton claimed. It was the second time the artist's house had been hit."

During her 2008 campaign, Clinton defended her vote as a way to give President Bush authority to deal with Iraq. (photo: AP)
During her 2008 campaign, Clinton defended her vote as a way to give President Bush authority to deal with Iraq. (photo: AP)


The Killing Fields of Baghdad: The Case of Hillary, Layla, and "Little Deer"

By Dennis J. Bernstein, Reader Supported News

17 March 16

 

n June 27, 1993, just after 2 a.m. and two years after the end of the Gulf War, US Tomahawk missiles reduced the home of Layla al-Attar, the Director of the Iraqi National Museum and a leading advocate for women artists in the Middle East, to rubble and ash. “There was no warning,” said her daughter, Rema. “We were sound asleep. We heard an explosion and felt the walls shake. We tried to get out but we couldn’t do it. The whole house collapsed on top of us.”

Rema, or “Little Deer,” was blinded in one eye by the 1993 bombing. She left Baghdad soon after and underwent extensive face surgery in Los Angeles and Canada before moving to the Bay Area. She was 19 when “the bombs changed everything,” she said. “I was very deep under and no one could hear me. I was dying by the time they got through. They didn’t get to my parents for another two hours. It was two hours too late.”

According to The New York Times, Layla al-Attar and her husband were “found dead under the debris” after one of the 23 US cruise missiles launched by former president Bill Clinton “blasted craters as deep as 30 feet in Al Manour, an exclusive residential area.”

Clinton claimed he had ordered the bombing of Baghdad to foil an alleged Iraqi plot to assassinate former president George H.W. Bush, who was on his way to visit Kuwait for a gala postwar victory celebration. The death plot was a CIA ruse and was never confirmed by any named source.

Following the missile attack that killed al-Attar and her husband and housekeeper, and half-blinded Rema, a report prepared by the CIA’s Counterterrorism Center suggested that Kuwait might have fabricated the alleged presidential assassination plot in order to play up the continuing Iraqi threat. All of the alleged assassins were later released in Kuwait without prosecution.

The Life of the Artist Lost

As director of the Iraqi National Art Museum, Layla al-Attar had been a powerful force in gaining recognition for women artists in Iraq and throughout the Middle East. She was also, her daughter said, “very beautiful, very well respected, and very kind.”

“It was really something I will never forget,” Iraqi artist Mohammed al-Sadoun told me at the time of the bombing. “I was watching CNN and suddenly I heard that a famous Iraqi artist was killed, and I tried to recognize the image as it was displayed on TV: it was Layla’s house, and there was nothing left of it.”

Layla al-Attar contributed to the Iraqi community in many ways, al-Sadoun said. “First as a very fine woman artist, but also as an art leader, where she was involved with art business, curating exhibitions, international exhibitions such as the 1988 exhibition,” he said. “The exhibition brought thousands of artists to Iraq from many different countries, including the United States. To find a female leading an art establishment in a country like Iraq, with an Arab-Muslim culture, was really significant.”

It was also quite significant in the Arab community that al-Attar’s paintings contained naked women, mingling with trees and the natural environment. In al-Attar’s paintings, as she wrote in introducing one of her exhibitions, Middle-Eastern women were “respected and exalted, not marginalized or excluded altogether. I am trying to bring into the society of ideal faith, the role of women, the dignity of their existence, and their humanity. My instrument to accomplish that is made of lines blended with waves.”

The Leading Women’s Right Campaigner Goes Silent

Enter Hillary Clinton. As First Lady, Clinton was globetrotting for women’s rights, from Boston to Beijing. Indeed, she was perhaps the most high-profile campaigner for women’s rights on the planet.

On September 5, 1995, a little more than two years after her husband murdered Layla al-Attar in her own home while she slept, Hillary Clinton told the U.N. 4th World Conference on Women Plenary Session in Beijing, China:

There are some who question the reason for this conference. Let them listen to the voices of women in their homes, neighborhoods, and workplaces. There are some who wonder whether the lives of women and girls matter to economic and political progress around the globe. Let them look at the women gathered here ... the homemakers and nurses, the teachers and lawyers, the policymakers and women who run their own businesses.

Layla al-Attar was many of the above: A mother, a teacher, a business woman, and a celebrated artist, yet Hillary Clinton could not seem to find the time or the conscience to visit with Rema to express her condolences along with the president’s. To this day, there is no formal apology on record to the al-Attar family, and to the people of Iraq, who lost one of their cherished artists – a woman – a woman ascending against overwhelming odds in the highly male-dominated Middle East.

“Nobody has ever called me,” Rema told me during a telephone interview in 1998, five years after her mom and dad perished in the U.S. missile assault. “It’s like they don’t even know what happened.”

Many who mourned the death of Layla al-Attar believed the Clintons’ silence was clearly a political choice, not to call attention to the killing of such a prominent woman, a leader in the art world of the Middle East. Others believed it was a not “collateral damage” as Clinton claimed. It was the second time the artist’s house had been hit. It had been demolished two years earlier during another US attack and had just been reconstructed. The fact that it was hit for the second time made many Iraqis suspicious that it wasn’t an accident, but that the artist was targeted as an official of the Iraqi government.

One exiled Iraqi artist, who runs a corner deli in San Francisco and who asked to remain anonymous, told me recently, “The killing of Layla was very simply the result of the passing of the torch of the same policy from Bush to Clinton. I don’t know for sure if they meant to kill Layla, but the Clintons certainly didn’t express a peep of regret. But then the Clintons are famous for putting political pragmatism before truth and humanity.”

Even worse than Hillary’s silence on the killing of Layla al-Attar, said the Iraqi exile, “is the fact that she didn’t seem to learn anything from the killing of so many innocents in Iraq, and as secretary of state she continued the same failed and deadly policy. The same policy that has turned my country into a permanent war zone, and paved the way for the birth of ISIS.”

“Let this conference be our – and the world’s – call to action” Hillary Clinton concluded at the 1995 women’s conference in Beijing. “Let us heed that call so we can create a world in which every woman is treated with respect and dignity, every boy and girl is loved and cared for equally, and every family has the hope of a strong and stable future.”

When I interviewed Rema al-Attar in San Jose in 1998, she was sitting on pins and needles, as Bill Clinton was threatening to bomb her country again. She was terribly worried she would soon be receiving a phone call that her brother – who survived the bombing that killed her parents and ended her hope for a “stable future” – might be killed in the next attack. Rema did not speak of anger and revenge, but of sorrow and fear. “I get scared so easily now, I can’t do anything. I always wear dark glasses.”

“[Bill] Clinton bragged about his first big bombing that killed Layla, and his wife was silent about it,” the anonymous Iraqi artist lamented. “Layla was a women of peace, an artist who made beauty, who was known throughout Europe and the Middle East as a peacemaker. She was someone who could have helped bridge the gap between our countries, and Hillary Clinton was silent and still is. Now she’s running for president, bragging about a policy that still kills about a thousand Iraqis a month.”

Editorial Note

In a commentary for Democracy Now! at the time of Layla’s killing, I suggested that the Clintons make sure to hang a few of her works in the White House, so as not to forget the nature and implications of gratuitous warfare. Not surprisingly, I was never taken up on my suggestion. However, if the next president ends up being a woman who claims to champion women’s rights and women’s liberation, I suggest a perfect place for a piece by Layla al-Attar would be right over Bill Clinton’s face, between Bush One and Bush the Second.



Dennis J. Bernstein is the executive producer of Flashpoints, syndicated on Pacifica Radio, and is the recipient of a 2015 Pillar Award for his work as a journalist whistleblower. He is most recently the author of Special Ed: Voices from a Hidden Classroom.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Run, Bernie, Please Keep Running Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6004"><span class="small">Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Thursday, 17 March 2016 08:35

Wasserman writes: "We all win when Bernie Sanders runs. We need him to continue through the Democratic Convention and beyond."

Sen. Bernie Sanders. (photo: Charlie Leight/Getty)
Sen. Bernie Sanders. (photo: Charlie Leight/Getty)


Run, Bernie, Please Keep Running

By Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News

17 March 16

 

e all win when Bernie Sanders runs.

We need him to continue through the Democratic Convention and beyond.

You can pardon my enthusiasm, but I’ll now be sending him my $27.

That Bernie came in second in this past Tuesday’s primaries doesn’t mean much. He got more than enough votes to justify an ongoing campaign. And the longer he runs, the better for all of us.

This stuff about him being a “single-issue candidate” is nonsense. The corporate media and the regular Democrats can’t handle the complexity of what’s essentially a nuanced class and counter-cultural analysis. They’re desperate to avoid the realities of what’s being said.

The campaign, of course, is about way more than just Bernie.

And the calculations of delegates and vote counts and much of the rest of it have their place. But we need not lose heart when Hillary seems to get more votes. And she, above all, should be deeply grateful to a genuine grassroots campaign that’s been the only thing sparking any real life into an otherwise excruciating mainstream slog.

Every speech Bernie gives, every day his campaign proceeds, every moment of media time he gets is a plus for all of us.

He is, above all, educating and energizing a new wave of activists and ordinary citizens of all ages. The impacts are essential and incalculable. They will be with us for decades.

This past Sunday I watched Bernie speak to about 5,000 mostly young, very diverse citizens at Ohios State’s Schottenstein Arena. State Senator Nina Turner opened for him with amazing verve.

Bernie then talked for about an hour on a wide range of issues near and dear to us all: social justice, Social Security, Medicare, fair taxation, killing free trade agreements, climate chaos, Solartopian energy, native rights, women’s rights, LGBT, true family values, corporate power, the 1%, militarism, the power of activism, and more.

Of course he began by denouncing Donald Trump’s fascist demagoguery.

At the end, he simply pointed out that love is a more powerful force than hate.

In between, the speech was completely BS-free. There were no throwaway lines, no hokey begs for applause, no contentless filler (he did say something was HYUUUGE, but it was in reasonable context and genuinely endearing).

I found the whole thing deeply moving. Bernie’s essentially a 60s guy who marched with the rest of us for peace and civil rights back in the day. Thankfully, his politics don’t seem to have changed much since. But somehow he’s the guy who navigated the system and became a mayor, congressman and senator. Fantastic!

Now he’s a legitimate candidate for President of the United States. Against all odds he’s energized millions of citizens, raised millions of dollars, and won millions of votes.

And he calls himself a Socialist. He’s the first truly competitive presidential candidate to do that since Eugene V. Debs ran from a federal prison cell in 1920.

We can nit-pick that one. Debs’s Socialism called for public ownership and democratic management of the means of production … with the major financial, economic and industrial institutions run directly by the people, for the public benefit. Bernie has not gone that route except maybe on health care. Technically, in calling for basic justice, human rights, ecological sanity, and so much more, he’s a Social Democrat. Fine with me.

What’s crucial is that his campaign is part of a broad historic continuum. You can date it to December 1, 1955, when Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on that Montgomery bus. Or back to Debs or the abolitionists or the better angels of our first Revolution. Or forward to the Vietnam protests, the mass No Nukes arrests, the Freeze Movement, Occupy, or #blacklivesmatter or whatever comes next.

Pick your spot in the mighty stream of nonviolent social activism. What matters is that at this point in our history, we have a society with sufficient social awareness and political commitment to sustain a campaign of this magnitude.

At some point it will end. Bernie may not get the Democratic nomination. He may not be elected president.

But we’ll have had this particular moment in the spiral of our history and now can further evolve, with that many more of us educated and energized.

We can all have our suggestions. Personally, I wish he would talk more directly about an end to militarism in general, asking every hour the $64 trillion question: “Why do we have 900 bases in 175 countries? Why have we been at endless imperial war since 1941?”

He could yell about the fact that in this coming election, 80% of the votes will be cast on electronic machines with zero paper trail, zero access to source code, zero real verification. We know black box elections (like 2000 and 2004) are easily stolen; 2016 is no exception. Bernie, we need you to talk about that. You did, after all, vote for the 2002 Help America Vote Act that foisted these machines on us. (Hillary voted NO. We should ask her why!)

I’d love to hear him more explicitly demand the shut-down of all US atomic reactors, with an even more rapid shift to Solartopia, a totally green-powered Earth.

I’m sure you all have your own laundry list.

But the point is … this is a nice movement wave. The corporate media will dismiss the candidate and ignore the issues. The Democrats will do what they will. And somewhere down the road, we’ll all have to decide how to cast our vote. And how to protect it once we do.

Then, the election will be over, we’ll have a new president, and we’ll all have to deal with what comes next.

In the meantime, a gracious, giving, often brilliant campaign has moved us forward. Let’s celebrate that (and Bernie!) and push it all forward as best we can with humor, grace, gratitude and joy.



Harvey Wasserman’s America at the Brink of Rebirth: The Organic Spiral of Us History can be had via www.solartopia.org. The Strip & Flip Selection of 2016: Five Jim Crows & Electronic Election Theft, co-written with Bob Fitrakis, is at www.freepress.org.

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Russia Is Pulling Out of Syria, When Will the US? Print
Wednesday, 16 March 2016 14:33

Bennis writes: "Washington should follow Russia's lead and pressure its own proxy forces to shift towards diplomacy. The withdrawal of U.S. troops, special forces, drones, and warplanes from Syria, paralleling the Russian move, would be an important first step."

Russian president Vladimir Putin with Russian Defense Minister Sergey Shoygu. (photo: Getty)
Russian president Vladimir Putin with Russian Defense Minister Sergey Shoygu. (photo: Getty)


Russia Is Pulling Out of Syria, When Will the US?

By Phyllis Bennis, CounterPunch

16 March 16

 

n a surprise announcement on March 14, Russian president Vladimir Putin announced that the Russians were withdrawing “most of our military” from Syria beginning immediately.

According to the TASS news agency, Putin said he hoped the withdrawal “will become a good motivation for launching negotiations” and “instructed the foreign minister to intensify Russia’s participation in organization of peace process in Syria.”

The withdrawal, along with Putin’s restated support for a political settlement, could help move forward the fragile UN-brokered Geneva talks on ending the Syrian crisis that began on the same day — as well as the tenuous UN-negotiated cessation of hostilities. “Those Russian servicemen who will stay in Syria will be engaged in monitoring the ceasefire regime,” TASS reported, indicating that the pilots and crews of the 50 Russian warplanes and helicopters that have been based in Syria would be withdrawn.

The withdrawal is an important step that should help reduce the level of violence in the deadly war. But questions remain.

Putin made clear that not all Russian forces would be withdrawn, and that Russia’s airbase near Latakia, as well as Moscow’s small but symbolically important naval base at Tartus on the Mediterranean coast, would remain open — though they “will operate in a routine mode.” Putin said the two military bases should be “protected from the land, from the sea, and from air,” leaving open the question of whether Russian bombers “protecting” them might also continue bombing raids in Syria, flying from outside Syrian borders.

The Syrian conflict is simultaneously a civil war — pitting a brutal government against a multitude of political and military opposition forces — and a proxy war in which a host of outside powers are fighting for various regional and global hegemonies. And all of those overlapping wars are being fought to the last Syrian.

The reduction of Russian military attacks in Syria, along with Putin’s renewed call for greater Russian engagement in the peace process, may set the stage to reduce, though certainly not end, the proxy war component of the overall conflict.

A real reduction of violence, a durable ceasefire, and a viable peace process leading to an end to the Syrian war will require much more — more from Russia, certainly, but even more from the United States and its allies. There’s no indication yet that Russia’s move was coordinated with Washington, although White House spokespeople indicated that a Putin-Obama talk might be possible.

In the meantime, Washington should follow Russia’s lead and pressure its own proxy forces to shift towards diplomacy. The withdrawal of U.S. troops, special forces, drones, and warplanes from Syria, paralleling the Russian move, would be an important first step. Further moves must include an end to both the CIA’s and the Pentagon’s programs to train and arm rebel forces in Syria. Finally, the U.S. should pressure its regional allies to stop arming Syrian opposition forces, which could also keep those U.S.-supplied arms out of the hands of ISIS and the al-Qaeda-linked Nusra Front.

All of those moves would, like the Russian withdrawal, reduce the proxy war raging in Syria — and give Washington greater leverage to urge Russia and Iran to go even further and stop arming the Syrian regime.

For too long Moscow and Washington have tried to outmuscle each other by escalating the devastating Syrian war. Now, for once, they’ve got a chance to escalate their efforts to end it.

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