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If You Care About Electing Women, Don't Focus Only on Hillary Print
Monday, 28 March 2016 13:17

Friedman writes: "This year, with a woman as the front-running candidate for a major party, the narrative about women in politics has largely focused on Hillary Clinton. Nobody's saying much about all of the other women running for office right now. There are currently 27 women in the running for the U.S. Senate, and 216 are vying for U.S. House seats. Plus six women running for governor."

Senate candidates Kamala Harris, Donna Edwards, and Catherine Cortez Masto. (photo: Getty Images)
Senate candidates Kamala Harris, Donna Edwards, and Catherine Cortez Masto. (photo: Getty Images)


If You Care About Electing Women, Don't Focus Only on Hillary

By Ann Friedman, New York Magazine

28 March 16

 

very election year, after the votes are counted, everyone wants to assess how women fared. There are tallies of how many women were elected to the Senate, to the House, to governorships. There are assessments of the gender gap among voters. And then there are declarations. “Women were the real winners last night,” I wrote the morning after the 2012 election. The 2014 midterms, reported Time, were “kind of a dud for electing women.”

This year, with a woman as the front-running candidate for a major party, the narrative about women in politics has largely focused on Hillary Clinton. I’ve seen countless Facebook debates about the relative importance of voting for a woman — conversations that are merely proxy wars as the primary battle between Clinton and Bernie Sanders plays out on social media.

A realization has slowly sunk in: Nobody’s saying much about all of the other women running for office right now. There are currently 27 women in the running for the U.S. Senate, and 216 are vying for U.S. House seats. Plus six women running for governor. Not all of them will win their primaries to make it to the ballot in November. But there are hundreds of women campaigning right now — you’re just not hearing much about them.

The silence is a real shame, because in 2016 we could see a record-breaking number of women elected to the Senate. There are nine pro-choice Democratic women running for Senate this year, most of whom have a good shot at election. Compare that to the supposedly watershed "Year of the Woman" in 1992, which only saw four women senators elected. And, this year, four of the nine contenders are women of color, which is huge because only two women of color have ever, in history, been elected to the Senate.

Among the Senate contenders this year are Maryland’s Donna Edwards and California’s Kamala Harris, both African-American women. Harris, who is the attorney general of California, recently took on predatory for-profit colleges and supported a bill to disclose more information about police shootings. Edwards, a longtime community activist and sitting congresswoman, co-founded the National Network to End Domestic Violence and once worked on NASA’s Spacelab program. There’s also Tammy Duckworth, who is a veteran with a Purple Heart, an expert in international affairs, and a fierce advocate for disability rights. She’s running in Illinois. And in Nevada, Catherine Cortez Masto is pushing to be the first Latina ever elected to the U.S. Senate.

A not-insignificant number of women are running for Congress, too. “The thing that makes me excited about the House is the stories these women bring,” says Jess McIntosh, spokeswoman for EMILY’s List, which funnels money and support to pro-choice female Democratic candidates. “We’re past that model where a woman had a successful career or raised kids, and, instead of retiring, served in the House. Now it’s opening up.” Younger women, first-generation Americans, and a wide array of women candidates are on the ballot this year.

Denise Juneau, who’s running in Montana, would be the first Native American woman in Congress. And in Delaware, which has never elected a woman or a person of color to Congress, African-American woman Lisa Blunt Rochester is running. And Nevada’s Lucy Flores, who is open about the abortion she had at age 16 and has been a passionate defender of immigrants’ rights, is challenging a fellow Democrat for the nomination. Congressional races are smaller, from a national perspective, but still important. “The people we elect to Congress today are the ones we elect to Senate tomorrow,” McIntosh says.

Not all of these women candidates, it’s worth noting, have endorsed Clinton. And for those of us who are just voters — whether we’re Clinton superfans, merely lukewarm on her, or Sanders supporters who care about electing women — it’s time to look down the ticket. A lot of signs point to 2016 being a big year for women voters — especially if Donald Trump, who seems to actively hate women, is the Republican nominee. If we’re smart, we’ll use the wide gender gap among voters to lift women candidates at all levels of politics.

Here’s how to start: Rutgers’s Center for American Women in Politics has a list of women who are running in every state. Read it. Find a woman near you, or a woman on the other side of the country whose values you share. And decide to support her — financially, if possible. But in other ways, too. Volunteer. Talk her up. Do what you can. Many candidates are facing primary elections in May and June, so now is a great time to get onboard with their campaigns.

The 2016 election conversation has made "women in politics" seem synonymous with "Hillary." It’s not. If we want to see a deep bench of women candidates, we have to bring ourselves to focus on state-level races. Now is the time to focus on the pipeline, so that no matter who’s elected president in November, we can honestly say this was another “Year of the Woman” — because we all helped ensure it would be.


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Nuclear Power Plants: Pre-Deployed WMDs Print
Monday, 28 March 2016 13:12

Grossman writes: "Pre-deployed weapons of mass destruction. That's what nuclear power plants are. And that's another very big reason - demonstrated again in recent days with the disclosure that two of the Brussels terrorists were planning attacks on Belgian nuclear plants-why they must be eliminated."

The Davis-Besse Nuclear Power Station near Toledo, Ohio. (photo: EcoWatch)
The Davis-Besse Nuclear Power Station near Toledo, Ohio. (photo: EcoWatch)


Nuclear Power Plants: Pre-Deployed WMDs

By Karl Grossman, CounterPunch

28 March 16

 

re-deployed weapons of mass destruction.

That’s what nuclear power plants are. And that’s another very big reason—demonstrated again in recent days with the disclosure that two of the Brussels terrorists were planning attacks on Belgian nuclear plants—why they must be eliminated.

Nuclear power plants are sitting ducks for terrorists. With most positioned along bays and rivers because of their need for massive amounts of coolant water, they provide a clear shot. They are fully exposed for aerial strikes.

The consequences of such an attack could far outweigh the impacts of 9/11 and, according to the U.S. 9/11 Commission, also originally considered in that attack was the use of hijacked planes to attack “unidentified nuclear power plants.” The Indian Point nuclear plants 26 miles north of New York City were believed to be candidates.

As the Belgian newspaper Dernier Heure reported last week, regarding the plan to strike a Belgian nuclear plant, “investigators concluded that the target of terrorists was to ‘jeopardize national security like never before.’”

The Union of Concerned Scientists in a statement on “Nuclear Security” declares:

“Terrorists pose a real and significant threat to nuclear power plants. The 2011 accident at Fukushima was a wake-up call reminding the world of the vulnerability of nuclear power plants to natural disasters such as earthquakes and floods. However, nature is not the only threat to nuclear facilities. They are inviting targets for sabotage and terrorist attack. A successful attack on a nuclear plant could have devastating consequences, killing, sickening or displacing large numbers of residents in the area surrounding the plant, and causing extensive long-time environmental damage.”

A previously arranged “Nuclear Security Summit” is to be held this week in Washington, D.C. with representatives of nations from around the world and with a focus on “nuclear terrorism.”

Last week, in advance of the “summit” and in the wake of the Brussels suicide-bombings at the city’s airport and a subway line, Yukiya Amano, director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), said: “Terrorism is spreading and the possibility of using nuclear material cannot be excluded. Member states need to have sustained interest in strengthening nuclear security. The countries which do not recognize the danger of nuclear terrorism is the biggest problem.”

However, a main mission of the IAEA, ever since it was established by the UN in 1957 has been to promote nuclear power. It has dramatically minimized the consequences of the catastrophic accidents at Chernobyl and Fukushima and routinely understated all problems with atomic technology.

The “Nuclear Security Summit,” with the IAEA playing a central role, is part of a series of gatherings following a speech made by President Barack Obama in Prague in 2009 in which he said “I am announcing a new international effort to secure all vulnerable nuclear material around the world.”

In a press release this past August, White House spokesman Josh Earnest said this week’s meeting “will continue discussion on the evolving [nuclear terrorism] threat and highlight steps that can be taken together to minimize the use of highly-enriched uranium, secure vulnerable materials, counter nuclear smuggling and deter, detect, and disrupt attempts at nuclear terrorism.”

And, like the IAEA—formed as a result of a speech by U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower promoting “Atoms for Peace” at the UN—officials involved with nuclear power in the U.S. government and the nation’s nuclear industry have long pushed atomic energy and downplayed problems about nuclear power and terrorism.

As the Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) says in its “Nuclear Security” statement, “The adequacy of a security system depends on what we think we are protecting against. If we have underestimated the threat, we may overestimate our readiness to meet it. The NRC [U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission] has sometimes used unrealistically modest assumptions about potential attackers. The design basis threat (DBT) is the official definition of the security threats power plant management is required to protect against….After 9/11, UCS criticized the DBT for nuclear plants on these grounds, among others.”

UCS says the NRC “ignored the possibility of air-and water-based attacks…it did not address the possibility of large attacking groups using multiple entry points, or of an attack involving multiple insiders…it concentrated on threats to the reactor core, failing to address the vulnerability of spent fuel storage facilities.” Since 2011, says the UCS, the NRC “finally revised its rules to address the threat of aircraft attack for new reactor designs—but at the same time has rejected proposed design changes to protect against water- and land-based attacks.”

There is “also concern about the testing standard used,” notes UCS. “In July 2012, the NRC adopted the new process. However, as a result of industry pressure, the standards were watered down..”

Further, says UCS, testing is “currently required only for operating reactors, leaving questions about the adequacy of protection against attacks on reactors that have shut down, but still contain radioactive materials that could harm the public if damaged.”

A pioneer in addressing how nuclear power plants are pre-deployed weapons of mass destruction has been Dr. Bennett Ramberg. As he wrote in his 1980 landmark book, Nuclear Power Plants as Weapons for the Enemy: An Unrecognized Military Peril, despite the “multiplication of nuclear power plants, little public consideration has been given to their vulnerability in time of war.”

As he writes in a piece in the current Foreign Affairs, “Nuclear Power to the People: The Middle East’s New Gold Rush,” spotlighting the push now by many nations in the Middle East to build nuclear power plants, “Whatever the energy promise of the peaceful atom, evidently lost in the boom are the security risks inherent in setting up reactors in the Middle East—and not just the commonly voiced fear that reactors are harbingers of weapons. The real risk is the possibility that the plants themselves will become targets or hostages of nihilist Middle East militants, which could result in Chernobyl and Fukushima-like meltdowns.”

“Given the mayhem that Islamic State (also called ISIS) and kindred groups have sown in the region and their end-of-days philosophy, the plausibility of an attempted attack on an operating nuclear power plant cannot be denied,” writes Ramberg.

In fact, the plausibility of an attempted attack cannot be denied in the Middle East—or anywhere in world.

Says Ramberg: “If terrorists did strike a nuclear power plant in the Middle East, the nuclear fallout would depend on the integrity of reactors’ own containment systems and the ability of emergency personnel to suppress the emissions, a difficult challenge for even the most advanced countries, as Japan found in Fukushima. Ongoing terrorism, civil strife, or war at the time the reactor is compromised would only complicate matters.”

Moreover, he notes, “all nations in the Middle East share an increasingly practical alternative—solar energy.”

Nations around the world, likewise, would be able to get along fine with solar, wind and differing mixes of other safe, clean, renewable energy—not susceptible to terrorist attack.

All 438 nuclear power plants around the world today could—and should—close now. The insignificant amount of electricity they generate—but 10 percent of total electric use—can be provided by other sources.

And green energy makes for a less costly power and a far safer world in comparison to catastrophic-danger prone and unnecessary nuclear power. We must welcome energy we can live with and reject power that presents a deadly threat in so many ways.


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FOCUS: So Far, Obama Has Failed on Clemency Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36478"><span class="small">John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 28 March 2016 11:37

Kiriakou writes: "The Washington Post reported last week that President Obama has granted fewer pardons than any president since John Adams, and that he risks going down in history as 'merciless.' The president has so far granted 70 pardons. But he has denied 1,629 pardon petitions, more than five of the six previous presidents. Another 3,444 requests have been 'closed without presidential action.' In other words, they were simply ignored."

Barack Obama. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images)
Barack Obama. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images)


So Far, Obama Has Failed on Clemency

By John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News

28 March 16

 

he Washington Post reported last week that President Obama has granted fewer pardons than any president since John Adams, and that he risks going down in history as “merciless.” The president has so far granted 70 pardons. But he has denied 1,629 pardon petitions, more than five of the six previous presidents. Another 3,444 requests have been “closed without presidential action.” In other words, they were simply ignored.

Obama’s inaction on pardons is in addition to his equally hard-core inaction on commutations. Despite the fact that the White House announced two years ago, with much fanfare, the “Clemency Project 2014,” which was supposed to streamline commutations, the president has denied 8,123 requests for commutation. That’s a new record.

Both Obama and then-attorney general Eric Holder said in 2014 that the president would make liberal use of his power to commute the sentences of federal prisoners who deserved relief. Indeed, the Justice Department set criteria for prisoners who ought to be released. Holder encouraged prisoners to apply if they had sentences significantly longer than what they would have received if they had committed their crimes today, if they had no history of violence, if they had no guns involved in their cases, if they had behaved in prison, if they had served at least 10 years, and if they had served at least 50 percent of their sentences.

Obama has publically expressed regret at his own failure to use his executive powers to pardon those deemed worthy of a second chance or to grant commutations to those who have been swallowed up by the justice system, especially in the ill-conceived “war on drugs.” He told the Marshall Project in 2014 that there were thousands of prisoners who deserved relief, and he said, “That means we have to step up the process.”

That sounds great. But the program has, so far, been a disaster. Almost nobody has been released early. Most cases are assigned to volunteer lawyers and law students who have no experience in pardon and clemency law or even in dealing with the federal system in the first place. More than 8,000 of the 44,000 applications have not even been referred to the Justice Department for review, while another 9,000 cases are stuck in the DoJ’s bureaucratic black hole.

And how many prisoners have actually had their sentences commuted, of the 44,000 applicants? Only 187.

There are a myriad of ways in which Obama can right this wrong. First, he can simply take executive action with the stroke of a pen, as was recommended during his first term by White House counselor Greg Craig, thus freeing every federal prisoner who meets the Clemency Project’s criteria. That would be easy. And the president doesn’t have to face the voters again, so there would be no political fallout, at least not for him.

Second, Obama could, and should, provide the Justice Department with the resources necessary to process every last clemency application. If the policy determines that people are in prison unjustly, then there is no question that action has to be taken. Remember the legal maxim, “Justice delayed is justice denied.” It is being denied to thousands of prisoners right now.

Third, the Office of the U.S. Pardon Attorney, which has jurisdiction over processing pardon and commutation applications, must be moved out of the Justice Department and into an independent body, such as a stand-alone entity within the White House. As things are now, federal prosecutors have an inordinate influence in the Pardon Attorney’s office. But by their very nature, prosecutors are opposed to clemency. Many equate it with the president asking them to tell the public they made a mistake prosecuting the case in the first place. “Sorry. My bad! You can go home now.”

Obama has precious little time left in which to act. If he’s serious about clemency, about mercy, he has to do something immediately. Lives depend on it.



John Kiriakou is an associate fellow with the Institute for Policy Studies. He is a former CIA counterterrorism officer and a former senior investigator with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: Who Are the Terrorists and Why Are They Winning? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=5494"><span class="small">Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 28 March 2016 10:37

Weissman writes: "Just as Washington's open and covert interventions destabilized Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria, and triggered the worst refugee crisis in Europe since the end of World War II, Obama's latest 'success' against ISIL leadership has created collateral damage that could prove even more devastating."

People walking away from the Brussel's airport after last week's terrorist attack. (photo: AFP)
People walking away from the Brussel's airport after last week's terrorist attack. (photo: AFP)


Who Are the Terrorists and Why Are They Winning?

By Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News

28 March 16

 

e suis sick of this shit,” read the twitter hashtag following last week’s bombings in Brussels, the capital of an increasingly dysfunctional European Union. Sick of terrorist attacks not just in Europe and the United States, but also from Pakistan, India, and Indonesia to Turkey, the Middle East, and Africa. And not just by Muslim jihadis, but also by America’s Christian nationalist and white supremacist groups who are now supporting the presidential campaigns of Donald Trump and Ted Cruz.

Who are the terrorists and why do they continue to spread their terror? For Trump and Cruz, as for many American evangelicals, the answer is too many Muslims, and the refusal of authorities to police them aggressively. Or, in Trump’s view, to use more waterboarding and even harsher forms of torture against them.

Know-nothing Muslim-bashing, this “plays right into the hands of terrorists who want to turn us against one another; who need a reason to recruit more people to their hateful cause,” warned President Obama in his weekly address after the bombings that killed 35 people at the airport and on a metro in Brussels. Obama knows, as does New York City police commissioner William Bratton, that they need Muslim cops and communities to provide the intelligence to stop terrorist plots.

In his address, Obama wanted us to believe that he was playing a winning hand. “We’ve been taking out ISIL leadership, and this week, we removed one of their top leaders from the battlefield – permanently,” he boasted. “A relentless air campaign – and support for forces in Iraq and Syria who are fighting ISIL on the ground – has allowed us to take approximately forty percent of the populated territory that ISIL once held in Iraq.”

But just as Washington’s open and covert interventions destabilized Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria, and triggered the worst refugee crisis in Europe since the end of World War II, Obama’s latest “success” has created collateral damage that could prove even more devastating. On the same day he made his boast, The Guardian connected the dots, based on interviews with two ISIL activists. Other observers have confirmed the article’s general thrust.

Nine days before the November 13 terrorist attacks that killed 130 people in Paris, ISIL leaders risked allied airstrikes to bring their senior officials together in the Syrian town of Tabqah, west of Raqqa. There the leadership laid out a decisive shift in strategy. Instead of putting all their efforts into holding the Iraqi and Syrian land in their self-proclaimed caliphate, a task they saw as militarily hopeless, the leadership had already sent hundreds of their European fighters back home to wreak havoc in Belgium, France, Germany, Spain, and the UK.

ISIL’s leaders “believe that European societies are easily weakened through savagery,” wrote The Guardian. “One of the group’s members said its senior officials had a deep understanding of the European political architecture and of the fears of its people.”

“At the meeting, they talked about which societies would crumble first and what that would mean,” said the ISIL activist. “They thought big attacks would lead to pressure on the European Union and even NATO.”

ISIL’s new threat depends on its European jihadis, making it vital to understand what motivates them in their suicidal, homicidal, and ultimately nihilistic Götterdämmerung. At the time of the Paris attacks the best available information came from French scholar Olivier Roy, as I reported in late November. He had systematically studied the publically available information on thousands of Muslim radicals, including Abdelhamid Abaaoud – celebrated by ISIL as Abu Omar the Belgian – one of the main organizers of the Paris attacks.

“The main motivation of young men for joining jihad seems to be the fascination for a narrative: the small brotherhood of super-heroes who avenge the Muslim Ummah,” Dr. Roy concluded. This remains “global and abstract,” unconnected to real people either in Europe or the Middle East. They build their narrative “using schemes taken from the contemporary youth culture: video-games (Call of Duty, Assassins).” And they stage their super-hero fantasies using modern techniques and “very contemporary aesthetics, with a special role for aesthetics of violence.”

These young rebels had “a loose or no connection” to the mosques, or to extremist imams. “Many have a past of petty delinquency and drug dealing,” he wrote. “Before turning born-again or converts, they shared a ‘youth culture’ which had nothing to do with Islam.”

The terrorists who attacked Paris and Brussels largely fit the pattern Roy observed. Most grew up in the heavily Muslim Molenbeek suburb of Brussels. They got involved in drugs and petty crime. They became radicalized in a small network of friends and relatives, often brothers, or they found radical Islam in jail. And they went on jihad to Syria, where they joined ISIL or affiliates of al-Qaeda and learned how to use arms and explosives. But, contrary to Roy’s expectation, Abu Omar and many others were very much involved with a very extremist imam.

Belgium officials estimate that some 500 of their citizens have gone to wage jihad in Syria and Iraq, and the biggest recruiter was a Moroccan-born preacher called Khalid Zerkani, who was jailed last year. “Mr. Zerkani has perverted a whole generation, particularly the youth of Molenbeek,” said Belgian prosecutor Bernard Michel at an appeals hearing in February.

Preaching at underground mosques in Molenbeek, Zerkani “ran a network of petty criminals and used the proceeds to send jihadists to Syria,” recalled France 24. “His long beard and habit of allowing thieves to keep part of the spoils earned him the nickname ‘Father Christmas.’”

Zerkani’s network included Abu Omar, Najim Laachraoui, the bomb maker who blew himself up at the Brussels airport, and Reda Kriket, whom French authorities arrested Thursday and accused of planning yet another terrorist attack. The Zerkani network also appears to have been involved in several other recent terrorist attacks.

Scholars like Roy or the University of Michigan’s Juan Cole may argue that Zerkani’s preaching, or that of ISIL, do not truly represent Islam. But, the evidence from Belgium and France suggests that the jidhadis make it a key part of their narrative. ISIL “is a monstrous child of our world and of our epoch,” argues French anthropologist Alain Bertho. But, in the absence of a political alternative like Marxism that attracted earlier generations, “it offers a mission to rage, a meaning to death, a divine legitimacy to good and evil.”

How far will this motivation go?

In February, the aptly named Belgian daily Derniére Heure reported that the jihadis had been spying on the country’s director of nuclear research and development. The authorities denied that any real threat existed. The paper then reported on Saturday, March 26, the killing of nuclear security agent Didier Prospero and his dog. Authorities insist that the killing had a very different motive. But, given their mission, why would the jihadis not attack a nuclear facility if they could?



A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts, Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. He now lives and works in France, where he is researching a new book, "Big Money and the Corporate State: How Global Banks, Corporations, and Speculators Rule and How to Nonviolently Break Their Hold."

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Trump's Foreign Policy Is Crackpot Isolationism. Cruz's Foreign Policy Is Crackpot War Print
Monday, 28 March 2016 08:35

Reich writes: "Trump's foreign policy is crackpot isolationism: Build a fence along America's southern border, keep Muslims out of America, let Japan and South Korea build their own nuclear weapons to protect themselves against North Korea and China, and defund NATO."

Robert Reich. (photo: Perian Flaherty)
Robert Reich. (photo: Perian Flaherty)


Trump's Foreign Policy Is Crackpot Isolationism. Cruz's Foreign Policy Is Crackpot War

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page

28 March 16

 

can't overstate the worry I find in the rest of the world about the possibility that either Donald Trump or Ted Cruz could be our next president.

That's because Trump’s foreign policy is crackpot isolationism: Build a fence along America’s southern border (financed by Mexico), keep Muslims out of America, let Japan and South Korea build their own nuclear weapons to protect themselves against North Korea and China, and defund NATO.

By contrast, Cruz’s foreign policy is crackpot war: "Carpet bomb [the Islamic state] into oblivion."

The Republican Party used to have foreign policy strategists who thought deeply about America's place in the world. You might have disagreed with Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger, for example, but they at least viewed foreign policy as a serious undertaking. Now the Republican Party offers nothing but simplistic crackpot ideas.

No wonder the rest of the world is worried.

What do you think?


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