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Food Not Bullets: Hunger Pangs of Starving Farmers Met by a Barrage of Bullets Print
Tuesday, 05 April 2016 08:08

Repollo writes: "On the morning of April 1, 2016 police forces opened fire at some 5,000 farmers and indigenous Lumad demanding relief and subsidies for farm communities who have been intensely affected by the El Nino dry spell in Kidapawan City."

A farmer grimaces in pain after police dispersed a protest in Kidapawan City. (photo: Kilab Multimedia)
A farmer grimaces in pain after police dispersed a protest in Kidapawan City. (photo: Kilab Multimedia)


Food Not Bullets: Hunger Pangs of Starving Farmers Met by a Barrage of Bullets

By Zeph Repollo, 350.org

05 April 16

 

n the morning of April 1 police forces opened fire at some 5,000 farmers and indigenous Lumad demanding relief and subsidies for farm communities who have been intensely affected by the El Niño dry spell in Kidapawan City in the Philippines.

350 Pilipinas condemns the violent dispersal of protesting farmers, which has resulted in the death of three and 87 missing, by the combined forces of the police and army in Kidapawan province of North Cotabato.

Around 5,000 farmers and indigenous peoples held a human barricade at the local National Food Authority (NFA) since March 30 to demand the immediate release of 15,000 sacks of rice to alleviate hunger brought about by crop failures due to three long months of drought.

Gov. Emmylou Mendoza refused to engage the protesters in a dialogue because prior notice and appointment from the farmers were not made. Instead of heeding the legitimate calls of the starving farmers, protesters faced a hail of bullets from the armed police and soldiers. After the bloody dispersal, thousands of farmers seeking refuge at the United Methodist Church were then surrounded by police forces.

The conditions that prompted the 3-day blockade gives us a glimpse of what’s ahead if decisive and just actions in addressing climate change, remains in the periphery. The blockade was warranted by the lack of government support for rural communities experiencing the brunt of the prolonged dry spell caused by the El Niño, which as of February, has affected 237,000 hectares of agricultural land. It is interesting to note that the dry spell coincides with the recent scientific findings that this February was the hottest in recorded history. We know that climate change is having an intensifying effect on this El Niño. There is also emerging research that shows climate change is likely to increase the frequency of severe El Niño.

The government’s policy of systematic land grabbing combined with the intensified El Niño pushed our farmers and indigenous peoples to heighten their struggles with sweat and blood in defense of their right to land and life. Our farmers—the country’s food producers—are battered the hardest and are left in poverty and hunger. Civil disobedience will continue to escalate until the government stops playing deaf and blind to the genuine cry of the people.

Hunger, unrest and the climate crisis—this is why decisive action and climate justice are imperative.

People are flooding social media with #BigasHindiBala (food not bullets) in outrage and as a sign of solidarity to the farmers.


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We've Had Enough With Failed Trade Policies Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=24129"><span class="small">Mark Ruffalo, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 04 April 2016 13:51

Ruffalo writes: "Hard working Americans of all political stripes recognize when the rules have been rigged against them, because they live day-to-day with the results."

Mark Ruffalo at the Sundance Film Festival, in Park City, Utah. (photo: Victoria Will/Invision/AP)
Mark Ruffalo at the Sundance Film Festival, in Park City, Utah. (photo: Victoria Will/Invision/AP)


We've Had Enough With Failed Trade Policies

By Mark Ruffalo, Reader Supported News

04 April 16

 

any pundits were caught off-guard by the transpartisan fury over America’s trade policy rocking the presidential primary season. But it’s no surprise to me. I grew up in a working class family in Kenosha, Wisconsin. So I know why Americans have had enough of shiny promises, job-killing trade deals, and Wall Street bailouts that propel ordinary people into an economic nose dive.

Hard working Americans of all political stripes recognize when the rules have been rigged against them, because they live day-to-day with the results. No doubt revolutionary change is an appealing alternative.

Since the North American Free Trade (NAFTA) and World Trade Organization agreements in the mid-1990s, America has lost more than five million manufacturing jobs net. Millions of service sector jobs also have been offshored.

During the NAFTA era, my home state lost 68,000 manufacturing jobs — one out of seven in the state. Just one example: After Chrysler received billions in a 2009 bailout, it shut its Kenosha Engine facility, cut the last 800 jobs and moved operations to Mexico.

The damage extends beyond those who lose their jobs. They compete for non-offshorable service sector jobs, pushing down wages economy-wide, hurting communities coast to coast.

From Flint to El Paso and points beyond, Americans have been slammed by the trade double whammy: Firms and their well-paying jobs go away. Then just when assistance is most needed, tax bases shrivel so basic services get cut and infrastructure crumbles.

Bernie Sanders’ primary victories have finally forced the mainstream media to mention the millions of middle class livelihoods destroyed by trade policies. Now it’s time to face up to a second disastrous risk: These trade deals pose a direct frontal attack on a livable environment.

Pacts like the recently-signed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), currently sidelined without sufficient congressional support for passage, contain thousands of pages of enforceable rules that would fuel climate chaos and empower corporate polluters to challenge environmental laws across the globe.

And if the TPP were approved, the Department of Energy would be required to automatically approve all natural gas exports to the 11 other TPP countries, eliminating our government’s ability to make decisions about our energy future and incentivizing a boom in dangerous fracking. The extreme secrecy of TPP negotiations allowed the Obama administration to claim it was the greenest deal ever. But when the TPP text was finally disclosed late last year, environmental groups that the White House claimed supported it, such as NRDC and Defenders of Wildlife, joined the Sierra Club, Greenpeace, 350.org and scores of others in opposition.

Consider just one feature that sounds like the plot of a disaster movie. The TPP would empower foreign investors to drag the U.S. government to private international arbitration tribunals whenever they claim that our environmental, energy or climate policies violate expansive new TPP foreign investor privileges. Corporations can demand unlimited taxpayer compensation based on future profits ostensibly thwarted by the policy. There is no outside appeal.

If approved, the TPP would double U.S. exposure to this “investor-state dispute settlement” (ISDS) regime. Overnight 9500 Japanese manufacturing and Australian mining giants, among other firms, could skirt our courts and laws to attack critical public interest safeguards.

It’s not hypothetical. Under similar NAFTA provisions, TransCanada is now demanding $15 billion in U.S. taxpayer compensation because our government (rightly) opposed construction of the Keystone XL pipeline.

More than half of past ISDS suits have concluded with the government losing or settling. Billions have been paid to foreign companies. Already half of the new ISDS cases filed in recent years seek to enforce corporate rights to mine, extract gas and oil, and generate energy no matter the consequences to us and our environment.

Expanding this system through the TPP would block worldwide environmental and social progress while empowering corporations to undermine existing climate and environmental policies.

Remarkably, the TPP not only omits the word “climate” from its text, but does not require TPP signatories to comply with their United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change commitments. This despite all TPP countries being climate convention signatories.

The bottom line: Our failed trade policies imperil both Americans’ livelihoods and the health of our planet — two reasons why the more people learn, the less they like them.

The bipartisan American trade revolt now underway demonstrates that we need to scrap these bad deals and demand real change. This is no time for half measures, bland reassurances, or waiting games.

With both our economy and environment at risk, Americans can no longer remain silent. We must send a strong message to current policymakers and candidates alike that the people and the environment come first. Those who trade away our jobs, our economy and our environment to the highest bidder must be stopped.


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Do You Own a Gun? Why Your Kid's Doctor Needs to Know. Print
Monday, 04 April 2016 13:48

Excerpt: "In 2011, after a lobbying push by the National Rifle Association, Florida passed the Firearm Owners' Privacy Act, restricting physicians from asking about gun ownership and from counseling about gun safety in routine appointments. Potential penalties include fines, suspension and loss of a medical license. A federal judge blocked the law as an unconstitutional restriction of doctors' speech. Then an appeals court panel overturned the ruling, emphasizing patients' rights to own guns and to privacy."

Gun safety is a public health issue. (photo: istockphoto/Washington Post)
Gun safety is a public health issue. (photo: istockphoto/Washington Post)


Do You Own a Gun? Why Your Kid's Doctor Needs to Know.

By Angelica Zen and Alice Kuo, The Washington Post

04 April 16

 

o you have guns in the home?” It’s a standard question pediatricians ask patients and their parents, an entry into a conversation about storage and safety.

“Of course not — we don’t believe in that,” answered one mother who came to our practice with her 7-year-old.

Her son looked up from his iPad and grinned. “But Bobby’s dad has a really cool gun! Bobby showed it to me last week.”

“What do you mean?” his mother asked. “A toy gun?”

“No, a real one!” he boasted, before returning to his game. His mother sat in wide-eyed silence.

When a Florida pediatrician asked the same question — “Do you have guns in the home?” — during a checkup in 2010, the reply from a mother of three was sharp: None of your business. She objected to the query as “very invasive,” complaining to her local newspaper, “Whether I have a gun has nothing to do with the health of my child.”

And so began what’s come to be known as the Docs vs. Glocks dispute. In 2011, after a lobbying push by the National Rifle Association, Florida passed the Firearm Owners’ Privacy Act, restricting physicians from asking about gun ownership and from counseling about gun safety in routine appointments. Potential penalties include fines, suspension and loss of a medical license. A federal judge blocked the law as an unconstitutional restriction of doctors’ speech. Then an appeals court panel overturned the ruling, emphasizing patients’ rights to own guns and to privacy.

This Florida case is just the latest example of how the politics of guns have affected physicians’ ability to bring science to bear on what experts can see plainly: That gun violence is a public health issue. The full U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit is now preparing to hear the case, and legislators in at least 12 states have expressed interest in similar bills. So it’s worth correcting what lawmakers and the court panel misunderstand about the doctor-patient relationship and about the relevance of firearms to pediatric care — in a country where more than 2 million children live in homes with unsecured guns.

First, there’s the suggestion that a doctor merely asking about guns infringes on the right to bear arms, because of how much power doctors supposedly have over patients. The court panel wrote: “When a patient enters a physician’s examination room, the patient is in a position of relative powerlessness. The patient must place his or her trust in the physician’s guidance and submit to the physician’s authority.” To support this contention, the court cited a 1994 law review article that describes how the doctor-patient relationship forces patients to “suspend their critical faculties” and limits their “ability to question physicians and redirect the course of a conversation.”

Most doctors nowadays would laugh at that idea. Perhaps there was a hint of truth to it in 1994 — two years before WebMD went live, and when less than 12 percent of U.S. households had Internet access. But long gone are the days when whatever a doctor said was law. Today, patients and their families are active participants in their medical care. They do their Internet research and come in with long lists of questions. And they don’t hesitate to make their views known, in the exam room and on Yelp, when they aren’t satisfied with the answers.

Rather than trying to get the parents who come to our practice to submit to our authority, we try to build partnerships with them based on mutual trust and a shared interest in the well-being of their children. Sometimes we and the parents disagree — about vaccines, for instance. But we talk through their questions and concerns and try to come up with an approach everyone is comfortable with. We might settle on a plan to space out vaccinations over a longer period of time, say, but to make sure a child is caught up by kindergarten.

We wouldn’t instruct gun-owning families to give up their firearms, nor would we expect them to listen to us if we did. But we and the parents have a mutual interest in preventing gun accidents involving their children. That’s what we want to discuss. The point is not to pass judgment or to chastise people for their practices. It is to ensure that our patients, the children, have long, healthy lives.

Florida’s law allows an exception to the restrictions on talk about guns if a doctor “in good faith believes that this information is relevant to the patient’s medical care or safety, or the safety of others.” In the latest legal brief, filed with the court on Monday, the state reiterated that doctors needn’t worry about disciplinary action as long as they stick to good-faith inquiries.

What does that really mean? What if a parent, like the mother in Florida, declares that “Whether I have a gun has nothing to do with the health of my child”?

It would be odd if the lawmakers intended to exempt the standard pediatrician questions that motivated the law in the first place. Indeed, the court panel determined that “a reading that information about firearm ownership is relevant in every case” would make the law “superfluous.” The court interpreted “relevant” to mean based on “some particularized information about the individual patient, for example, that the patient is suicidal or has violent tendencies.”

But beyond responding to immediate warning signs, responsible doctors need to be able to counsel patients on matters that pose the greatest statistical risks to their health and well-being. Heart disease is the leading cause of death in Americans 65 years and older, so doctors talk to their elderly patients about healthy eating habits, regular exercise and smoking cessation. For children between the ages of 1 and 14, the leading cause of death is unintentional injury, a category that includes car accidents, suffocation, burns, drowning and gunshot wounds.

As pediatricians, we counsel parents about all of these issues. We explain how to properly install car seats. We caution against children playing with plastic bags. We teach about safe water temperature. We discuss safety around pools.

Gun safety is no different from any of these topics. Comprehensive numbers on gun accidents are hard to come by, in part because National Rifle Association lobbying and limited funding has deterred the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention from conducting firearm research. But outside research found that in 2015, children accidentally shot themselves or someone else at least 278 times, averaging more than five times a week. By some estimates, keeping guns locked up and unloaded could prevent 70 percent of unintentional shooting deaths among children.

Sometimes parents aren’t aware that their gun storage practices are unsafe. During one recent appointment at our clinic, a mother said she wasn’t sure if there were any guns in her home. Her father is a police officer, she said, and there might have been one or two in a closet. In a 2006 study published in the Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, nearly a quarter of parents who reported that their children had not handled a household gun were contradicted by their children.

When doctors provide brief counseling about gun safety, families with guns are more likely to follow safe storage practices. In Florida alone this year, that counseling might have prevented the death of 6-year-old A’letha Burke, who accidentally discharged a gun she found under a sofa; it might have prevented 2-year-old Ethan Walker from shooting himself in the face with a gun he found in his grandfather’s truck; it might have prevented Jamie Gilt’s 4-year-old son from accidentally shooting her from the back seat.

That last incident attracted national attention because Gilt (like some of the parents who object to physician questions) is a gun rights activist. And there was more than a hint of just-deserts judgment in the media coverage. “Yet Another Gun Owner Gets Shot by Her Own Kid,” Mother Jones reported. The Washington Post went with the headline: “?‘My 4-year-old gets jacked up to target shoot,’ mom brags hours before he shoots her.

If the gunshot wound had been life-threatening, or if the child had shot himself or a neighbor, you’d expect the headlines to take a different tone. But even if the child didn’t injure himself physically, that doesn’t mean he’ll be unscathed. Florida’s Department of Children and Families is investigating. The boy could be removed from his mother over this, or, if the family remains intact, it could be subject to years of home visits and monitoring. Shortly after the shooting, the boy’s grandmother told Britain’s Sun newspaper that he was enjoying a pancake breakfast and had “no idea what he did.” Yet once he’s old enough to understand, he could be scarred emotionally — by an episode that wasn’t his fault.

Would a mother who is so ardently pro-gun have listened to a doctor’s counsel about gun safety? Her 4-year-old wasn’t strapped into his booster seat when police arrived, suggesting a broader lack of attention to safety. Perhaps a doctor’s advice would have made her more mindful. Perhaps not. Either way, though, Gilt probably wouldn’t be intimidated by a doctor’s questions. Her mother told the Sun: “All the gun control people are jumping on this, but it will not change her opinion about owning guns. She is very pro gun and will not change her opinion about owning them.”

Again, for us as pediatricians, the issue isn’t ownership, it’s safety. And when we’re able to talk to parents about gun storage, we have the potential to save lives.

That mother who came in with her 7-year-old? She called our office a week later to report what she’d learned. Apparently the boys had used a ladder to retrieve a gun kept on a high shelf in the friend’s garage. The mother talked to the friend’s father, who had no idea that the shelf was so easily accessible to them. He apologized profusely. And then he purchased a safe to lock up his gun.


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The End of Big Money in Elections? 6 Reasons to Think So Print
Monday, 04 April 2016 13:46

Barbalato writes: "This year's presidential election is projected to be the most expensive in U.S. history. As of this writing, more $127 million has been raised by PACs and political nonprofits to support the five remaining major-party presidential candidates. Because the amount of money in the system keeps growing, the problem looks like it's just getting worse. But some experts say big money in politics could disappear as quickly as it arrived."

Some experts say big money in politics could disappear as quickly as it arrived. (photo: Oxford/iStock.com)
Some experts say big money in politics could disappear as quickly as it arrived. (photo: Oxford/iStock.com)


The End of Big Money in Elections? 6 Reasons to Think So

By Keith Barbalato, Yes! Magazine

04 April 16

 

Signs of change are cropping up everywhere from grassroots actions to the presidential campaigns.

his year’s presidential election is projected to be the most expensive in U.S. history. As of this writing, more $127 million has been raised by PACs and political nonprofits to support the five remaining major-party presidential candidates. That comes on the heels of 2014’s senate election, which more than doubled the outside spending of 2010.

How can voters trust legislators to act fairly on issues that affect the pharmaceutical industry, for example, when companies in that industry spent more than $50 million on federal campaign contributions in 2012 alone? The same problem comes up in issues like prison reform, climate change, and food safety.

Because the amount of money in the system keeps growing, the problem looks like it’s just getting worse. But some experts say big money in politics could disappear as quickly as it arrived.

“It’s only been about a decade since Citizens United opened the doors for unlimited campaign contributions,” says Benjamin T. Brickner, counsel to the Democracy Program at the Brennan Center for Justice. He points out that many of the Supreme Court’s campaign-finance decisions have been decided by 5 to 4 votes, and, with the death of Antonin Scalia, may soon be up for reconsideration.

But the Supreme Court is just the beginning. Here are six other reasons to be optimistic about the future of campaign finance in the United States.

1. Public opinion has passed the tipping point

In a New York Times poll taken last June, 84 percent of respondents said money “has too much influence” on U.S. political campaigns, and 75 percent said campaigns “should be required to publicly disclose their contributors.”

Other surveys show a similar consensus. A recent Pew poll shows that 76 percent of Americans think the government is run by a few big interests, while only 19 percent feel it works “for the benefit of all the people.”

These findings may help to explain why, when pollster Gallup asked Americans to identify the most pressing problem facing the country, government was the most popular choice, topping the economy, unemployment, immigration, and health care for the second year in a row.

2. Grassroots movements jump in

Americans are not keeping their feelings on this issue to themselves. Through rallies, petitions, and calls to legislators, they have put increasing pressure on Congress and the executive branch to challenge controversial Supreme Court decisions, eliminate super-PACs, and shine a light on dark money.

In December 2015, members of 59 different organizations teamed up to send more than one million petitions to Barack Obama. Their demand? An executive order that would require federal contractors to disclose political donations.

Then there’s Democracy Spring, an effort to use nonviolent civil disobedience to push Congress to take action on campaign finance issues. The event kicked off April 2 with a gathering at the Liberty Bell in Philadelphia; continues with a 10-day, 140-mile march to Washington, D.C.; and culminates in at least six days of sit-ins at locations around the capital. So far, more than 3,100 people have signed up to get involved in one way or another, and more than 100 organizations will support the action through demonstrations, concerts, teach-ins, and other activities.

In an article for The Nation, organizers made their case to Congress: “Take immediate action to end the corruption of big money in politics and make the 2016 elections free and fair for all people as equal citizens, or be prepared to send thousands of patriotic Americans to jail simply for demanding an equal voice.”

3. Advocacy groups use diverse strategies

Represent.Us is urging cities and states to pass the American Anti-Corruption Act, which outlines policy provisions to make donations more transparent, launch public-financing programs, and prevent political bribery. The act is meant to be adaptable, so local leaders can tweak it to fit their concerns, says Charlotte Hill, senior communications director at Represent.Us.

They’ve already scored wins in Tallahassee, Florida; Princeton, New Jersey; Roanoke Valley, Virginia; and San Francisco.

WolfPAC is taking an even more ambitious approach. Its members want to overturn Citizens United, using a process outlined in Article IV of the United States Constitution. They hope to get legislation demanding a constitutional convention passed in 34 states and make an amendment to the Constitution saying corporations are not people and have no right to buy elections.

So far Vermont, California, New Jersey, and Illinois have passed Wolf PAC resolutions.

4. Maine pioneers state-level public financing

In 1996, voters passed the Maine Clean Elections Act, the first statewide public financing system for elections. To participate, candidates must collect a specific number of $5 donations from unique registered voters in their district, and refuse outside campaign contributions. This qualifies them for a public grant that funds their campaign.

The act has democratized elections several ways: Candidates unable to raise enough private money to be competitive now have a chance to run, and politicians can spend less time fundraising and more time making policy. Elections have become more about contact with communities and less about the interests of large donors, says Andrew Bossie, executive director of Maine Citizens for Clean Elections.

Since the the law took effect, Maine has seen a modest increase in the number of women running for office. And, according to author Nicholas Carnes, it has elected the most blue-collar legislature in the country. In November 2015, Maine voters approved an expansion of the law, which enacted higher penalties for rule breakers, larger amounts of funding, and the option for additional funding if necessary.

5. Local policies push for clean elections

In Seattle, voters approved a “democracy voucher” system, funded by a property tax levy, that will give each registered voter four $25 credits to spend on qualifying candidates. This potentially turns every Seattle voter into a donor.

Tallahassee, Florida, has limited money in politics in a different way. An amendment to the city’s charter creates a seven-member ethics board with the power to investigate complaints and levy civil penalties; lowers the maximum contribution from $1,000 to $250; and allows donors to receive rebates from the city up to $25.

Other municipalities are incentivizing small donors by matching their donations with public money. Montgomery County, Maryland, matches citizen campaign contributions of up to $150 for candidates who turn down large corporate donations. And New York City provides a six-to-one match for citizen donations of up to $175. A report by the Brennan Center for Justice concluded that programs like New York’s “can change the dynamics of money in our politics.”

6. Presidential candidates rail against big money

President Obama said in his most recent State of the Union Address that democracy reform would be a major focus of his final year in office, and current presidential candidates from both parties have spoken out on the topic.

On the Republican side, John Kasich has publicly criticized billionaires buying elections and said a “handful of people should not be picking presidents.” And while Donald Trump exemplifies some of the problems in the system as a self-funded billionaire, he’s consistently attacked the influence of big donors.

The Democrats in the race have gone even further. Hillary Clinton has made clear that overturning Citizens United and ending secret money in politics is on her agenda if she’s elected. Meanwhile, Bernie Sanders has promised that he will only appoint Supreme Court justices who want to overturn Citizens United.

One of these people is likely to be the next president, perhaps giving advocates of electoral reform an ally in the White House.


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Carbon Farming Is a Zero-Risk Strategy for Curbing Climate Change Print
Monday, 04 April 2016 13:44

Wolfe writes: "Now that 195 nations, including the U.S., have agreed to ambitious greenhouse gas emission reductions to slow the pace of climate change, the question everyone is asking is: How will we actually meet our targets set for 2035?"

Soil management. (photo: Cornell University Soil Health Program)
Soil management. (photo: Cornell University Soil Health Program)


Carbon Farming Is a Zero-Risk Strategy for Curbing Climate Change

By David Wolfe, The Hill

04 April 16

 

ow that 195 nations, including the U.S., have agreed to ambitious greenhouse gas emission reductions to slow the pace of climate change, the question everyone is asking is: How will we actually meet our targets set for 2035?

Given past performance, many don't think we will get there without so-called "geoengineering" solutions, such as blasting sulfur dioxide or other particles into the atmosphere to shade the planet and compensate for the warming effect of greenhouse gases. Clever, eh? Maybe not. Some recent modeling studies show these seemingly easy fixes could backfire in catastrophic ways, such as disrupting the Indian monsoon season and completely drying out the Sahel of Africa. Another risk is atmospheric chemical reactions that deplete the ozone layer. Do we really want to run global-scale experiments for 20 or 30 years and see what happens?

There is another way, one that is zero-risk and builds on something farmers around the world are already motivated to do: manage soils so that a maximum amount of the carbon dioxide plants pull out of the air via photosynthesis remains on the farm as carbon-rich soil organic matter. "Carbon farming," as it is sometimes called, is Mother Nature's own geoengineering, relying on fundamental biological processes to capture carbon and sequester it in the soil, carbon that would otherwise be in the air as the greenhouse gas, carbon dioxide. 

Over the past century soils worldwide have been degraded due to expansion of agriculture and poor soil management. Today, there is a revolution in agriculture that recognizes the importance of building "healthy" soils by replacing the organic matter that has been lost over time. One way to do this is to use carbon- and nutrient-rich organic sources of fertilizers such as manure or compost rather than synthetic chemical fertilizers. Another is to include carbon- and nutrient-rich crops like legumes (e.g., peas, beans) in rotations, and plant winter cover crops that contribute additional organic matter in the off-season. We've also discovered that reducing the amount of plowing and tilling of the soil ("conservation tillage") slows the microbial breakdown of organic matter that leads to carbon dioxide emissions from soils.

Building healthy soils is essential to ensure food security in the decades ahead in the context of a changing climate. Soils high in organic matter have better water and nutrient retention, which buffers crops from drought and reduces costs for irrigation and fertilizer. Healthy soils also drain more quickly, allowing farmers to get into the field sooner after heavy rains for planting or harvesting.

But can carbon farming really slow the pace of climate change? Some estimate that implementing soil conservation practices on cultivated lands could offset as much as one-quarter to one-third of the annual increases in atmospheric carbon dioxide for a period of time, perhaps buying us 20 to 50 years of benefit as soil carbon stocks are gradually replenished. Others have argued that a 5 to 10 percent offset benefit is more realistic, but even those lower numbers are significant.

Agriculture and soil carbon were not part of the formal climate agreement signed in Paris, but the issue gained stature as a new initiative was put forward by the French minister of agriculture calling for a global 0.4 percent increase in soil carbon stocks each year. The so-called "4 per 1,000" initiative is supported by over 100 partners including national, regional and local governments; companies; research organizations; and environmental groups. While its promoters admit this is not a realistic target for every country, the plan draws attention to the potential contribution of agriculture.

If carbon farming is expanded to consider management of our natural landscapes as well, the potential for carbon sequestration goes up substantially because of the huge quantity of carbon stored in the biomass of trees and deep-rooted grasslands. Deforestation worldwide currently contributes about 17 percent of annual carbon dioxide emissions associated with human activities, so slowing this down would have a major impact. The U.S. Department of Agriculture recently launched "10 Building Blocks" to reduce emissions from agriculture and forestry by 2025 and create incentives for carbon sequestration, but questions about implementation remain. Several U.S. efforts designed for protecting wildlife habitat and biodiversity, like the Conservation Reserve Program, promote land management activities that are complementary to goals of increasing land carbon stocks, but could be redesigned with more emphasis on monitoring and incentivizing carbon sequestration.

While no options on the table will combat climate change single-handedly, including agriculture and forestry in the mix provides a low-cost, zero-risk approach that has well-established benefits. We need to invest in the power of carbon farming to conserve soil and water resources, protect biodiversity and build the resilience of our farms to climate change so we can continue to address the food security challenges of the 21st century.


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