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Is US-Funded Destabilization in Latin America Now Paying Off? Print
Friday, 15 April 2016 14:01

Dominguez writes: "Riots, street demonstrations, anti-corruption campaigns, protests about the impact of the world economic crisis, general strikes, impeachment efforts, economic sabotage, and the like, have become the battle horses on which oligarchic forces in cahoots with Washington are riding to carry out 'regime change' in various Latin American countries."

Former Honduran president Manuel Zelaya meets with President Bush in 2006. (photo: AP)
Former Honduran president Manuel Zelaya meets with President Bush in 2006. (photo: AP)


Is US-Funded Destabilization in Latin America Now Paying Off?

By Francisco Dominguez, teleSUR

15 April 16

 

The preconditions for "regime change" take, in some cases, years of careful preparation.

ost progressive governments in Latin America find themselves under intense attack in what is evidently a well synchronized and well financed continental plan of destabilization.

Riots, street demonstrations, anti-corruption campaigns, protests about the domestic negative impact of the world economic crisis, general strikes, impeachment efforts, economic sabotage, and the like, have become the battle horses on which oligarchic forces in cahoots with Washington are riding to carry out "regime change."

So far, conservative forces in Latin America have been successful in overthrowing President Manuel Zelaya in Honduras in 2009 and President Fernando Lugo in 2012 in Paraguay. Both presidents were ousted by oligarchic parliamentary majorities with mass support from middle class "civic associations", in complicity with the judiciary, with the latter providing a veneer of legality.

The preconditions for "regime change" take, in some cases, years of careful preparation. This normally involves intoxicating media campaigns of demonization aimed to exacerbate political polarization to the maximum, through the instilling of fear, the staging of aggressive and sometimes violent, middle class mobilizations, the activating of many associations of civil society, and the setting up of, sometimes hundreds, of externally funded NGOs.

The aim is to question the legitimacy of the "target government" which usually involves the systematic discrediting of existing political institutions so as to foster chaos as the most conducive context for "regime change". This strategy has been “theorized” in manuals that are mass-produced and get heavily promoted free of charge by establishment outfits.

Despite the fastidiousness with which Washington and domestic perpetrators seek to enshrine their efforts at "regime change" in any one nation with the veil of legality, constitutionality, democracy promotion, regional autonomy, and virtuous legitimacy, always a powerful media apparatus is activated the world over, unleashing a barrage of negative reporting and demonization of the "target government" with one overriding message: the solution to created crisis is the ousting of the government.

The favorite demonization is to label the "target government" as a totalitarian dictatorship or in the process of becoming so, unless stopped. This is coupled with regular official condemnatory statements of the "target government" from the U.S. State Dept. and a barrage of U.S. official bodies.

In this "regime change" narrative, the ousting of the target government, being the cause of "civil society’s rebellion", is fully justified. Thus for example the highly illustrative New York Times’s editorial of April13, 2002, on occasion of the brief ousting of Hugo Chavez: “Venezuelan democracy is no longer threatened by a would-be dictator.”

The NYT explained that Chavez had been ousted “after the military intervened and handed power to a respected business leader.” The key, therefore, is to portray the "ruler" of the target government as a threat to democratic civilization, thus the NYT editorial justifies the 2002 coup in Venezuela because Chavez “battled the media and alienated virtually every constituency from middle-class professionals, academics and business leaders to union members and the Roman Catholic Church.

So, 21st century "regime change", different from the more traditional 20th century U.S.-orchestrated coup d’état, involves an intense “battle for hearts and minds”, an essential component of the strategy. Thus, huge financial, political and cultural resources are mobilized to bring about hegemony for "regime change" in society and in all state and civil society institutions, going as far, in some cases, as even co-opting sections of the downtrodden. Most of this is "facilitated" with generous NED and USAID grants awarded over many years.

Faced with its own steady decline and the rise of radical governments in the post-Soviet era, the U.S. seeks to destabilize and oust governments through "color revolutions" as in Georgia, 2003 and the Ukraine, 2004 and 2014. Consequently the U.S. has substantially reorganized its architecture for intervention with the CIA becoming a mere appendix but with USAID and the National Endowment for Democracy and their many associated bodies taking center stage and receiving the lion’s share of the resources. The modality may have changed but U.S. foreign policy remains pretty much what it was: to remove governments it does not like. U.S. State Dept. and USAID budget is bigger than the GPD of many states, in 2016 it was US$50.3 billion.

Among the key U.S. institutions involved in "regime change" is the U.S. State Department, the body with the biggest authority, but there is also the United States Southern Command, the Congress and Senate Foreign Affairs Committees, and the CIA. Then further down the food chain, there are USAID, NED, Office for Transition Initiatives, American Center for International Labor Solidarity and American Institute for Free Labour Development, among the most important ones.

They work closely together and in the pursuance of the same aims, with the International Republican Institute, chaired by John McCain of CHECK; the National Democratic Institute, chaired by Madeline Albright; Transparency International; and Centre for International Private Enterprise. They all channel huge sums to support civil (and when possible) military subversion to create the conditions for "regime change". They also channel huge sums to fund "civil society" associations, political parties, media outfits, NGOs, professional bodies, trades unions, think tanks, business, student groups and so forth.

These institutions are the field commanders that coordinate the national detachments in every target country around a regional perspective so as to maximize the results of every push for "regime change" in any individual Latin American nation. We are increasingly seeing former right-wing Latin American presidents acting jointly to contribute to the destabilization of Bolivarian Venezuela, for instance.

Additionally there is a raft of "private" or "independent" bodies concerned chiefly with Latin America, the most important of which are Inter-American Press Association; Fundacion para el Analisis y los Estudios Sociales – led by Jose Maria Aznar; the Instituto Prensa y Sociedad; hundreds of Think Tanks; and possibly thousands of NGOs that share the "regime change" aim but that do it from a specialist angle. To all of this architecture of U.S. intervention, the overwhelming majority of the world corporate media play a decisive role, making any U.S. led intervention, a lethal political threat to the survival of any "target government".

Most progressive governments in Latin America have been or are subjected to systematic levels of traumatic and deliberately created social, economic and political chaos, politics and culture, which in many cases it can go on for years. In Cuba for five decades, in Nicaragua (on and off) nearly four decades and in Venezuela for 17 years thus far, with no end in sight.

Venezuela’s Bolivarian government is currently in the crosshairs of U.S. destabilization plans and "regime change" efforts through an economic war that has the Bolivarian process on the ropes. In Argentina, three years of an intense dirty war against Cristina Fernandez’s government, aspects of which had sinister overtones, paid off when at the November 2015 presidential election, the Right’s candidate, Mauricio Macri, won the election by a small margin of 1 percent. In Ecuador, a police mutiny in September 2010, obviously instigated from abroad and with huge U.S. support, nearly succeeded in ousting the government with with President Rafael Correa miraculously escaping with life.

The destabilization against Ecuador continues with the "revolt" of civil society and very violent street protests. And in Brazil, through a very intense and thoroughly intoxicating media campaign, a "regime change" push seeking to oust the democratically elected and legitimate president Dilma Rousseff is underway, as we write is not clear whether the effort to oust Dilma will be successful or not.

By substantially reducing export revenues that fund progressive social programs, the persistent world economic crisis significantly helps the "regime change" efforts by the U.S. and its allies. It may be just coincidence but the U.S. ambassador in Paraguay when elected president Fernando Lugo was ousted by a right-wing parliamentary coup, was Liliana Ayalde. The current U.S. ambassador in Brazil, where a right-wing parliamentary coup against elected president Dilma Rousseff is in progress, is Liliana Ayalde.

Bolivar once said that the United States appears to be destined by Providence to plague America with misery in the name of liberty. Exactly, through the NED, USAID and others, the United States must stop destabilizing elected governments in the name of "democracy," "good governance" and "national security."

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FOCUS: Clinton's Pro-Free Trade Policies Lead to Wider Illegal Money Laundering in Panama Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=39146"><span class="small">Dennis J Bernstein, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Friday, 15 April 2016 11:57

Bernstein writes: "In 2011, President Obama and Hillary Clinton, then Secretary of State, sold the U.S./Panama Free Trade Agreement as a fix for Panama's secret tax haven and money laundering operations. However, some analysts say that relevant regulations were skillfully concocted to facilitate certain privileged interests."

Hillary Clinton. (photo: Getty)
Hillary Clinton. (photo: Getty)


Clinton's Pro-Free Trade Policies Lead to Wider Illegal Money Laundering in Panama

By Dennis J Bernstein, Reader Supported News

15 April 16

 

An Interview With Lori Wallach

n 2011, President Obama and Hillary Clinton, then Secretary of State, sold the U.S./Panama Free Trade Agreement as a fix for Panama’s secret tax haven and money laundering operations. Obama asserted at the time: “Thanks to the leadership of President Martinelli, there have been a range of significant reforms in banking and taxation in Panama. And we are confident now that a free trade agreement would be good for our country.”

Last week, President Obama appeared to be singing a different tune. Obama said that activities like those exposed by the release of the eleven million plus Panama Papers were a result of poorly designed laws. However, some analysts say that the relevant regulations were not exactly poorly designed, but were skillfully concocted to facilitate certain privileged interests.

Lori Wallach, director of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch, said this week that the Panama Papers show, once again, how entirely cynical and meaningless are American presidents’ and corporate boosters’ lavish promises of economic benefits and policy reforms from trade agreements.

Dennis Bernstein: Lori Wallach, you actually say that those actions in 2011, strongly supported by Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, made it safer and easier to launder money?

Lori Wallach: Absolutely. It’s important for listeners to understand the history of Panama and how outrageous it would have been for the United States to even contemplate a free trade agreement with the country. In the 1970s the Omar Torrijos dictatorship was eager to pursue a new industrial policy. All they had were some banana exports. And so he literally recruits some University of Chicago-trained economists to come down to Panama and design laws that can make the country’s comparative advantage a financial crime. They take the Swiss version of banking secrecy, and they cook up what are called “bearer” shares stock certificates, where the corporate entity is issued paper. So I can subscribe as a lawyer as the official owner of those shares and now I sell them to whomever. And they are never tracked. The tracks are not tracked. So whoever has the paper is actually in charge of the companies, so you have no idea what the company is.

And then they have a dual taxation system, where all of these foreign, fake, double-hidden companies can have secret banking and secret ownership, plus there are foreign registered companies that are subject to no reporting, no taxation, in no country or any place else. And that designed program was what we were saying to the Bush administration that the free trade agreements were. Not surprisingly, the majority in Congress in 2009 said, “We’re not going to pass that, that’s ridiculous.”

So the Obama administration came in and instead of actually setting out to fix the Panama disaster, and actually make some demands of Panama about really changing things, they set out on a mission to figure out what to do to pass this free trade agreement. They did a lot of talk and not a lot of action and ultimately had a list of important improvements, as President Obama said, that now made it worthwhile to pass the agreement.

Meanwhile the agreement itself makes it safer and easier for particular U.S. companies to use Panama to hide their money from taxation, to basically obscure who owns what. And the specific rules are Chapter 9 of that agreement. You can see that online at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it in the investment chapter. It guarantees things like inflows and outflows of capital without limitation. Compensation from the government of any policies that an investor relied on to make an investment were changed, i.e. incentives not to clean up any of those criminal laws that drive the investments. And, moreover, compensation from the government if anything happens with your money, against the rights given in the agreement.

That provision serves like a risk-free insurance to offshore your money to Panama. So the chickens have now come home to roost, with the Panama Papers. Because you can see, number one, nothing’s changed and number two, the extent of the criminality.

DB: Well, just help us understand the extent of the criminality referenced in these papers. And it’s just beginning to unfold. We haven’t heard a lot about the U.S., and I’m going to ask you about that in a moment. Explain how people use this stuff and how it works against us common folk.

Wallach: Well, there are a couple of different things that happened. There are legitimate U.S. businesses creating offshore tax haven shells to move money through and have profits earned through the companies that are incorporated in those shells, just to simply avoid taxes, and avoid paying their fair share. That’s the least nefarious. There are individuals who hide income and assets by creating various shell corporations that become the earners of assets that would otherwise be subject to U.S. taxation.

But then there’s the even more nefarious stuff. Panama is the financial nerve center for Colombian narco-traffickers and paramilitaries. They pass freely across the unguarded border between the two countries. And because they can very easily register a foreign subsidiary in someone else’s name … you have Pablo Escobar, who is actually holding the paper for some of these bearer shares. The first time it gets registered, whoever is the first issue, could be a Panamanian lawyer who gives it to whomever. And then the entity suddenly can be doing banking in secrecy.

There are so many layers of non-transparency. That’s a great place for money laundering. It’s a great place to basically wash money. When the FTA was put into place there were somewhere between 350,000 and 400,000 offshore corporations, which is the highest number of subsidiaries of foreign investors outside of Hong Kong.

DB: Say a little bit more about what these corporations are doing in Panama.

Wallach: Some of them were doing some of the run of the mill tax evasion. Some of them were laundering drug money, weapons running money. There was a period where people thought there was a lot of terrorism-related money getting washed through Panama. And that is the country where, like the TPP we now face, promises of “Oh, if we do a trade agreement, that’s all gonna get cleaned up, and this is our leverage.” And you’re hearing the same kind of thing about Malaysia and their horrible human trafficking and human rights abuses. Or Bruni, and their policy of stoning to death single mothers and gay people. “So this agreement is going to fix those things, don’t you worry.”

This Panama Papers revelation is really unfortunate for the boosters of the TPP. It makes it scandalously clear how these promises are just crap.

DB: Now these laundering operations in Panama, Cayman Islands, it’s sort of like everybody is treated equally. You’ve got banks like HSBC, Colombian drug traffickers … and we know, for instance, the banks are busy floating the drug trade. So this is a place where everybody does business together. Right?

Wallach: Well, the main economy of Panama, the comparative advantage is financial crimes, money laundering, tax evasion. That’s the service they offer. They are a service economy and those are the services they specialize in.

DB: You talk about a way of hiding money offshore to avoid paying taxes. The implications, of course, are that ... right now I’ve been investigated twice in the last 8 years. I gross about $40,000 a year, and I’ve been investigated a couple of times. I owe money, whatever. But these evasions are what cause major troubles. We don’t have good schools, hospitals; this is all part of a product and a process by which these corporations suck the money out of our country, right? Am I exaggerating? And don’t pay their fair share. So we don’t have schools and hospitals and infrastructure. Is there a connection there?

Wallach: Well, when we were fighting against the Panama FTA, it was along with the Korea FTA, it was the same time the votes were happening. And what we said was, the Korea FTA is going to further gut our manufacturing base, increase our trade deficit, and we’re going to see a lot of manufacturing firms close. In addition to the jobs that we lost, it is the income of all of those workers, and then the taxes they would have paid. And it’s the taxes those companies would have paid that will have a second whammy, in a community that doesn’t just lose jobs, but then loses the tax revenue necessary to support public infrastructure, from roads and bridges, to schools, to hospital construction, etc.

And that FTA, we said, would cause that problem vis-à-vis hurting on the jobs end. And, yeah, three years into the agreement the trade deficit with Korea doubled. In the first three years, using the formula the administration used to claim that 70,000 jobs would be created, we have lost 90,000 jobs. It’s not trade deficit increase. And then you add to that Panama.

Now Panama’s trade balance is small. It’s a small country, not a lot of trade, about the same as it was before. But the difference there is just what you said. We may not be losing manufacturing jobs to Panama, but our quality of life and our community is getting undermined, because the U.S. companies and wealthy individuals that are still here can dodge having to contribute to the common good and the infrastructure that we all rely on, by making sure that they find ways to use offshore in havens like Panama, to avoid paying taxes.

DB: Yeah. Let’s talk about that a little bit more in terms of how difficult it’s going to be to untangle it. I have been watching the Pritzker family for many years. Liesel Pritzker’s name just came up, I guess it was reported. This is Penny Pritzker’s niece or cousin. She’s the Secretary of Commerce, Penny Pritzker is. Her name came up doing business in Columbia. Some import/export in places where the FARC were formerly operating. Now I don’t know what kind of business, what they were doing, what was in there. But the point is that here’s the Pritzker family, and we don’t know about Penny. It seems that most of their stuff is in the Cayman. But how do I phrase this question without being too vicious? How can we expect there to be any change when you have, for instance, I’m referring to a 2003 Forbes magazine article, the Secretary of Commerce coming from a family that has structured and set up, set the tone, been on the forefront of putting money offshore to protect themselves from paying taxes? Now we have people like the Pritzkers, Secretary of Commerce ... she already crashed the Superior Bank in Chicago, engaged in all kinds of subprime stuff. She was part of that structure that marketed these instruments to Wall Street, the packaging of these subprime loans with other loans.

So the point I’m making here is that somebody inside, right inside, is benefiting from it. Can we expect anything but the free-trade agreements that you’re describing, that are continuing to devastate poor and working people? How’s that for a question?

Wallach: Well, I think we can expect something different, and I’ll tell you why. Because we the people ultimately can stop an agreement like the TPP. Let us have the horrible past agreements serve as a lesson and a motivator to just say “No! No more of these agreements.” And we have it at this point within our grasp to box and bury the TPP, and really start a turnaround to unravel the agreements that are so rotten, the captured agreements that aren’t even mainly about trade, and try to shift over to having trade agreements that are actually about trade. Meaning they are aimed at harvesting the benefits of trade expansion, without being Trojan Horse operations for all of these non-public interests agendas, all these retrograde policies now being catapulted into place via trade agreement vehicles.

And the reason why it’s within our grasp is we’re seeing in the presidential primary this enormous bipartisan trade revolt. And it is affecting the prospects of the TPP. The TPP was signed, NAFTA on steroids, with 12 countries. It was signed. The administration thought they could whiz it right through. But actually, thanks to a huge bunch of public activism last year, the procedure needed for a TPP, the fast track, hardly squeaked through Congress. It’s a procedure that basically makes it much harder to stop when it comes to a vote. But the fast track is not that helpful if in the end you just don’t have the votes. It’s going to actually come down to something that your listeners have a lot of say over: The vast majority of Congressional House Democrats are against the TPP. There are just a handful of them who aren’t.

But Nancy Pelosi, the Democratic leader and a very important member of Congress from California, has yet to come out against the TPP, much less rally her troops and stand up and say, “Hey, we’re the Democrats. We’re against this, this is bad. That’s why the presidential candidates are against it. We’re not going to let this happen. We’re not going to let it get snuck by in a lame duck session after the election. We’re not going to have it go, as is, in 2017. This is not an agreement we can be for. And all of our presidential candidates are saying that. And all the Democrats are unified on that point.” Her standing up and saying that would be one of the final nails in TPP’s coffin. But if she does not do that, if she does not unify the last remaining Democratic House members, if she waits until the very last minute to say anything about it like she did when fast track came for a vote, then there is a real chance it could slime through in the lame duck, with just a few votes. The same way fast track limped through. But you know you only need to pass it by one vote, and it’s now the law. It is within this listening audience’s power to make a huge difference.

Frankly, if you look at all of California ...there’s a guy, Ami Bera, the guy who’s trying lose his seat over his vote for fast track who had told a lot of people he’d be against fast track, and then he flipped. He’s lost his union support, he couldn’t get Democratic Party support, the environmentalists are on a warpath against him, and he basically is all by himself. All the environmental groups have come out against TPP, and he hasn’t said where he is. So maybe he’ll realize how bad his fast track vote was, and he’ll come out against TPP like everyone else.

But the whole rest of California, you’ve got to go all the way down to San Diego to find any Democrats who are contemplating supporting the TPP. And that’s the two Democrats down there, Scott Peters and Susan Davis. Otherwise, you look at the rest of the state, there are a couple of people who are saying, “Hmm, what would this mean for ...” way up north, or Congressman Thompson saying, “What does this mean for wine?” Well, wine may have some tariff cuts in its future, under the TPP, but what would it mean for the rest of country, for the rest of the state, for the environment? And those are the kinds of issues that Congressman Thompson is judging. That and the whole set of California Democratic members, those are your only guys who are out there contemplating. Everyone else is pretty much with the program.

Also, frankly, a big handful of the Republicans in California and the House of Representatives are against the TPP. Just on a commercial basis the agreement is just crap. It doesn’t have disciplines against currency cheating, even though it includes a lot of countries that are notorious for cutting their currency values in order to cheat on their imports, making their stuff unreasonably, unfairly cheap, and then making our goods too expensive just by dropping the currency value of their currency.

DB: Now, I have to jump in here. You said that Nancy Pelosi hasn’t come out against it?

Wallach: Correct. She’s one of the very, very few Congressional House Democrats who have not.

DB: This is a very powerful House Democrat. Now, how can we possibly explain that? What could possibly be holding her back from this vote that would be so beneficial to all of us working and middle-class and poor people?

Wallach: Well, I think there’s an interesting scenario. She’s a great champion on the climate, on the environment, on human rights, and for working people, and that is what she believes in. And she has been a great champion advocate for those issues.

DB: Yeah, but this is a climate killer, isn’t it?

Wallach: All of these would be severely attacked and undermined by the TPP. So, on the merits, everything she cares about is at risk. She also has a role as the leader of the Democratic Party. So often she will wait to see where the Party is going. You know, part of being a good leader is to see where your troops are. And so at the point that the TPP attacks had just come out, and there are a lot of important members, the most senior Democrat on the trade committee, a guy named Mr. Samuel Levine, was reviewing it. I can understand why she wouldn’t want to get ahead of him. He’s the trade expert under the House Democrats. He’s come out against it. So have other members of the Democratic leadership. Xavier Becerra from California, the Chairman of the Democratic House Caucus is against it.

So now almost all the Democrats are out against it, and that is why it is mysterious and worrying … not worrying, but disappointing, that Leader Pelosi is not leading the troops. Because there still are a couple dozen House Democrats that sort of have their finger in the wind, trying to figure out which way this is going to go. And when Leader Pelosi steps up and says, “This is the way it is going, ladies and gentlemen,” those guys are going to follow her right to victory in stopping the TPP.

In the beginning I understand why she, as a leader, as a smart leader, a strategic leader, wanted to not get out way ahead of her troops. But now her troops, including the folks with the most expertise on the issue, have all gotten out against TPP and I think a lot of folks are really eager for Leader Pelosi to step up and lead to the final victory against the TPP.

DB: Should I be concerned that these problems, her resistance or others’ resistance, or the flip/flops, have something to do with the extraordinary amount of money coming into Congress to have this thing pass?

Wallach: Well, I think that there is a pretty ridiculous corporate campaign for TPP because in one fell swoop every big moneyed interest gets what they want. Normally, you know, they have to have this bill for the pharmaceutical companies, and this bill for the oil, gas and mining guys, and this is the bill for the chemical guys, and this is the bill for the manufacturing companies that want to avoid liability and make it easier to leave the country, etc. Big content wants this bill, you know, Hollywood, etc. And the thing with this trade agreement is they all have it in one place. So it’s like a corporate Christmas tree. And as a result you have all of those trade associations, all of those organizations, all in love within the TPP path.

So for instance, with a guy like that Ami Bera, I’m sure a lot of corporate guys are throwing money at him. Because from their perspective he’s a guy who, even though he’s in Sacramento, northern California, was willing to basically cross his entire political base. You had the unions who are against, the family farm groups are against, the faith groups are against, the internet freedom groups are against, the LGBT groups are against, the seniors are against, the consumer groups are against, all the people who basically got that congressman elected, the people who voted for him, he’s willing to just abandon them and throw them under the bus.

And so he’s going to need other supporters. So I’m sure all the agri-business, the internet, the content, Hollywood folks, and the chamber of commerce, and the big industrial companies, and the oil and gas guys are all running up there saying, “Boy, you know, we may not like what he does on this environmental thing, but boy is he going to be our guy for trade. Let’s just see if we can get him re-elected.” Now a lot of unions have just walked away from him and said, “We’re done. We’re done.” Some of them have even endorsed the Republican. So I can imagine in those kind of circumstances the corporate money is flooding in trying to save those guys who betrayed everyone.

DB: Well, I’ve got one final question for you, Lori Wallach. When you look at this campaign do you see anything in the debates, information, people, any candidate saying things that encourage you, inspire you, seem to be the right thing in this context?

Wallach: I think it’s incredibly inspiring that we’re seeing a bipartisan, nationwide trade revolt against more of the same trade agreements. And that energy is part of how we can stop the TPP. But to do that folks in northern California are going to have to get Leader Pelosi to lead the House Democrats into a firm, unified “No.” We’re all going to need to put the pressure on all the presidential candidates to say publicly, number one, they don’t support the TPP and will not move that deal towards Congress for a vote, and number two, they don’t want it voted on before they get there in a lame duck session of Congress. Because they think that agreement is bad for the country.

If we can achieve those things with Leader Pelosi and with the presidential candidates, we’re going to stop the TPP. And a big part of the reason why is this incredible, powerful wave of public excitement of knowing, “Hey, I’m not the only one whose life has been undermined by these bad trade agreements. Hey, they’re not inevitable. They’re just one way of doing ... and it ended up failed. Hey, we can do better. And united together, we will.” That is the power, and it needs to get translated into our missions of Leader Pelosi’s leadership and the presidential candidates doing the right thing. And then we’re going to turn the corner on this.



Dennis J Bernstein is the executive producer of Flashpoints, syndicated on Pacifica Radio, and is the recipient of a 2015 Pillar Award for his work as a journalist whistleblower. He is most recently the author of Special Ed: Voices from a Hidden Classroom.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: Apologizing for the Clintons' Crime Bill Isn't Enough, We Must Now Rebuild Our Communities Print
Friday, 15 April 2016 10:50

Alexander writes: "'Sorry' isn't enough, given the magnitude of the harm that has been done. A brand new system of racial and social control has been born again in the United States, one that has functioned as a literal war on poor communities of color."

Michelle Alexander. (photo: MichelleAlexander.com)
Michelle Alexander. (photo: MichelleAlexander.com)


Apologizing for the Clintons' Crime Bill Isn't Enough, We Must Now Rebuild Our Communities

By Michelle Alexander, Michelle Alexander's Facebook Page

15 April 16

 

t is often said that if we do not learn from our history we are doomed to repeat it. I applaud Rep. Rush's apology for supporting Clinton's crime bill. He doesn't apologize for the fact he desperately wanted to do something about crack addiction and crack-related violence, and of course he shouldn't apologize for that. Instead he apologizes for supporting a bill that contributed to the destruction of our most vulnerable communities. He apologizes for voting for an approach that offered no compassion and few resources for investment, help and treatment - instead investing billions in prisons, jails, police, and punishment.

Of course "sorry" isn't enough, given the magnitude of the harm that has been done. A brand new system of racial and social control has been born again in the United States, one that has functioned as a literal war on poor communities of color. Millions have been taken prisoner and then stripped of basic human and civil rights upon release. While the political rhetoric of the 1990s invoked "super-predators", the war that was actually waged in the streets was overwhelming focused on non-violent crime and drug offenders. Billions were slashed from child welfare, housing, and education at all levels of government. State prison systems ballooned as federal funding was channeled to state and local law enforcement agencies that were willing to escalate the war. White kids using and dealing pot and cocaine in the suburbs were still heading off to college and grad school. On the other side of town, black kids were shuttled from their decrepit, underfunded schools to brand, new high tech prisons. It is difficult to say how long it may take for our communities to recover from the damage done.

Now we must urgently focus our energies on rebuilding our communities and reimagining what justice actually means. A sincere apology is a place to start. So many of us have been asleep to varying degrees regarding what truly went down, and why so many millions have been locked up or permanently locked out. I wrote my book when I finally woke up and faced my own complicity in a horrifying status quo. Facing our history honestly, and apologizing for whatever role we may have played in causing unnecessary suffering and harm, is a first step in the long journey toward healing our communities and making America what it must become.

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Sanders and Clinton Square Off in Brooklyn, Who Won? Print
Friday, 15 April 2016 08:42

Elliott writes: "Gone was the once-civil tone between the Democratic candidates."

Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders. (photo: CNN)
Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders. (photo: CNN)


Sanders and Clinton Square Off in Brooklyn, Who Won?

By Philip Elliott, TIME

15 April 16

 

The 'Brooklyn Brawl' is shaping up to be toughest debate yet

t didn’t take but a minute for Bernie Sanders to suggest Democratic rival Hillary Clinton was a liar, as the pair clashed Thursday night in yet another debate.

From there, the night only got more heated. Sanders hit Clinton on trade deals and foreign affairs. Clinton hit back by pointing to Sanders’ disastrous interview with editors at the New York Daily News. It was the feistiest debate yet, and the night could leave each candidate badly bruised as they hobble toward another two months of primaries.

Clinton at one point late in the debate seemed to marvel that Sanders continued to challenge her, even as his pathway to the nomination was closing. “Describing the problem is a lot easier than trying to solve it,” Clinton said.

The increasingly acidic tone of the Democratic primary barreled into Brooklyn as the two debated for a ninth time. After months of benign—and, at times, banal—debates on substance, the Democrats have finally started to catch up with their Republican counterparts in terms of pointed jabs. The increasingly antagonistic timbre of the race mirrors Sanders’ increasingly difficult pathway to winning the nomination. (To be fair, Democrats are still miles away from the GOP brawl that has featured Donald Trump describing his genitals during one memorable debate.)

Still, it was a stunning start. “We’re doing something truly radical. We’re telling the American people the truth,” Sanders began the night. It was a less-than-subtle suggestion that Clinton was not doing the same. As the night progressed, he shouted over the former Secretary of State and repeatedly cut her off. He then went in for the kill over a 1990s quote from Clinton. “It was a racist term and everyone knew it was a racist term,” Sanders said, casting her support for her husband’s crime bill as implicit racism.

“We recognized that we have a set of problems that we cannot ignore and we must address,” Clinton said, saying the crime bill Sanders was referencing had unintended consequences for minority communities.

Clinton also came ready to parry. She then urged voters to read his transcript from a meeting with New York Daily News editors, in which Sanders was woefully under-prepared. “Talk about judgment. Talk about the kinds of problems he had answering questions about his core issue, breaking up the banks,” Clinton said.

Trying to shrug it off, Sanders repeated his claim that Clinton was too cozy with Wall Street—an industry she represented for eight years as a Senator from New York. Yet when asked for an example, Sanders could not. “Secretary Clinton was busy giving speeches to Goldman Sachs,” Sanders said.

Clinton, who collected hefty checks as a speaker, said Sanders was simply wrong. “This is a phony attack that is designed to raise questions when there is no evidence or support,” Clinton said. “He cannot come up with any example because there is no example.”

In one of the most remarkable moments in the debate, one perhaps unprecedented in recent presidential politics, Sanders pointedly challenged Clinton’s support for Israel, saying that the United States needs to be less “one-sided” in its support of the Middle Eastern democracy. Sanders’ line was a significant departure from the usual American line, which requires candidates to pay lip service to the United States’ commitment to Israel.

“You gave a major speech at AIPAC that obviously deals with the Middle East peace crisis,” Sanders said, “And you barely mentioned the Palestinians.”

Sanders said that Israel’s response to the Gaza missile attacks in 2014 was “disproportionate.” Clinton, however, did not directly address that charge, but noted that she had been critical of Israeli leaders in her State Department memoirs.

Gone was the once-civil tone between the Democrats. Bitter sniping from Sanders has driven the race in recent days. He called Clinton too “ambitious” and unqualified to be the President. Clinton has responded by casting him as a pie-in-the-sky idealist with zero understanding of how Washington actually works. Clinton defended her statements that Vermont guns were fueling New York violence. Sanders said Clinton was an unreliable ally for workers, and he was their only champion. Their supporters, meanwhile, are digging in, urging them to continue their fight all the way to the Democrats’ nominating convention in Philadelphia.

“Does Secretary Clinton have the experience and intelligence to be President? Of course she does. But I do question her judgment,” Sanders said. He went on to criticize her record on trade, foreign policy and campaign finance. “I don’t believe that is the kind of judgment we need to be the kind of President we need.”

Clinton laughed at Sanders’ suggestion that she was unqualified. “I’ve been called a lot of things in my lifetime. That was a first,” Clinton said. “President Obama trusted my judgment enough to be Secretary of State.”

The debate, broadcast on CNN, is likely the last time the pair will meet. The negotiations over the debate itself played out publicly, with the typically behind-the-scenes dealing becoming a proxy fight for the Democratic Party itself. Officials at the Democratic National Committee were exasperated by the whole process and were only half-heartedly considering adding more debates between the two warring candidates.

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We Can't Trust a Major American Police Department. That's a Problem. Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Friday, 15 April 2016 08:40

Pierce writes: "At this point, there is no compelling reason to believe anything the CPD says about its own conduct, and there won't be any reason to do so until the stables get thoroughly hosed down by someone from the outside."

Protester in front of Chicago police. (photo: Getty)
Protester in front of Chicago police. (photo: Getty)


We Can't Trust a Major American Police Department. That's a Problem.

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

15 April 16

 

Chicago is not an outlier. It's an allegory.?

here seems to be little doubt that the city of Chicago—Rahm Emanuel, mayor—no longer can control its police department effectively. That was made clear with the release of a scathing report compiled by a special investigative task force commissioned by Emanuel last year in the wake of the shooting of Laquan McDonald, and subsequent cover-up, a cover-up in which Emanuel allegedly was involved.

C.P.D.'s own data gives validity to the widely held belief the police have no regard for the sanctity of life when it comes to people of color," the task force wrote. "Stopped without justification, verbally and physically abused, and in some instances arrested, and then detained without counsel — that is what we heard about over and over again." The report reinforces complaints made for decades by African-American residents who have said they were unfairly singled out by officers without justification on a regular basis, then ignored when they raised complaints…In a city where whites, blacks and Hispanics each make up about one-third of the population, 74 percent of the 404 people shot by the Chicago police between 2008 and 2015 were black, the report said. Black people were the subjects in 72 percent of the thousands of investigative street stops that did not lead to arrests during the summer of 2014. Three out of every four people on whom Chicago police officers tried to use Taser guns between 2012 and 2015 were black. And black drivers made up 46 percent of police traffic stops in 2013.

The release of the report comes during a time of renewed scrutiny of the facility at Homan Square where the CPD essentially ran its own equivalent of a CIA black site, complete with torture.

Sound familiar? This past year, in the shadow of the Laquan McDonald police shooting scandal, investigative reporters from The Guardian and their lawyers have exposed, in numerous articles, that Chicago's history of torture and cover-up is repeating itself, this time at Homan Square. 

As the Guardian has documented, Homan Square, named after a notorious Chicago slumlord Samuel Homan, was, until recently, a secret site where thousands of people of color have been – and apparently still are – held and interrogated for hours, "off the books", often without being under arrest. They are handcuffed to a wall in dark and foreboding rooms and cells, with inconsistent access to food, drink or access to bathroom facilities. The Guardian's continuing investigation reveals that when this sensory deprivation does not yield sufficient cooperation, the police interrogators all too often employ physical brutality that meets the United Nations Convention Against Torture's definition of torture. Cases of tasering, which is a very real form of electric shock, suffocation, anal rape, beatings with batons, threats with a weapon and questionable deaths while in custody are now all on the public record. And, once again, we see police officers committing perjury and innocent victims being charged with crimes that they did not commit.

Homan Square is back in the news because of the case of Jaime Galvan, who died a decade ago while in custody at Homan Square under circumstances that are dubious at the very best.

A police spokeswoman claimed Galvan died "in his sleep after interviews at Harrison Area headquarters", the Chicago Tribune reported on 11 February 2006. However, on the official police hospitalization case report, obtained by the Guardian through a wide-ranging transparency lawsuit begun last year, the "address of occurrence" of Galvan's death was not Harrison area headquarters. It was 3340 W Fillmore Street – the secretive police warehouse complex otherwise known as Homan Square.

At this point, there is no compelling reason to believe anything the CPD says about its own conduct, and there won't be any reason to do so until the stables get thoroughly hosed down by someone from the outside. The Justice Department is said to be looking into the situation surrounding McDonald's death. But with the city's murder rate climbing, and these latest revelations, control of the CPD would be a political whipsaw even for a popular politician, which Emanuel is not. But there should be some sort of general consensus that you can protect innocent people without killing some of them. Otherwise, Chicago is nothing more than a deep-dish Mogadishu.

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