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A Debate Between Bernie and Trump Would Be Good for the Nation Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36361"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Friday, 27 May 2016 15:59

Reich writes: "I don't know if it will actually happen, but a debate between the two anti-establishment candidates who have captured the imagination of America this year - on one side, the authoritarian populist Trump, and on the other the progressive populist Bernie - would be good for the nation."

Robert Reich. (photo: Getty)
Robert Reich. (photo: Getty)


A Debate Between Bernie and Trump Would Be Good for the Nation

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page

27 May 16

 

rump and Bernie might debate. On ABC's "Jimmy Kimmel Live!" Trump was asked if he would consider holding a debate with Sanders. Trump agreed to the idea, noting that a Sanders vs. Trump debate "would have such high ratings.” Bernie quickly responded with a tweet reading, "Game On. I look forward to debating Donald Trump in California before the June 7th primary."

I don’t know if it will actually happen, but a debate between the two anti-establishment candidates who have captured the imagination of America this year, neither of whom has ever belonged to one of the major parties, and who are staging revolts against politics as usual – on one side, the authoritarian populist Trump, and on the other the progressive populist Bernie – would be good for the nation. It would highlight the anti-establishment fury that’s gripped America, and the reasons for it – crony capitalism and an economy rigged by the moneyed interests. And it would put the two parties (and Hillary Clinton) on even clearer notice that they must respond to this fury.

It would also let America see how effective Bernie can be nailing Trump to the wall for his bigotry, hatefulness, and xenophobia.

What do you think?

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Ending Police Brutality Requires More Than Personnel Change Print
Friday, 27 May 2016 15:55

Hudson writes: "Activists forced the resignation of San Francisco's top cop after several police killings, but real change will only come with systemic reform."

Black Lives Matter protesters. (photo: AP)
Black Lives Matter protesters. (photo: AP)


Ending Police Brutality Requires More Than Personnel Change

By Adam Hudson, teleSUR

27 May 16

 

Activists forced the resignation of San Francisco's top cop after several police killings, but real change will only come with systemic reform.

hanks to dedicated public pressure and a 17-day hunger strike, San Francisco Police Department (SFPD) Chief Greg Suhr finally resigned. However, the fight is not over since tackling police brutality entails more than just changing heads of police departments.

Despite its reputation as a citadel of progressivism, weirdos and outside-the-box thinking, San Francisco has long had issues with retrograde and systemic racism. When the late author and intellectual James Baldwin went to San Francisco in 1963 to investigate the plight of African-Americans in San Francisco for his KQED film, “Take This Hammer,” he said: “There is no moral distance … between the facts of life in San Francisco and the facts of life in Birmingham.” In the film’s first scene, one Black resident explained, “The South is not half as bad as San Francisco … I’ll tell you about San Francisco. The white man, he’s not taking advantage of you out in public, like they’re doing down in Birmingham, but he’s killing you with that pencil and paper, brother!”

Fifty years later, very little has changed in this regard. While kicking out Chief Suhr is a victory, he is one part of a larger racist justice system that needs to be uprooted.

Suhr’s resignation, at Mayor Ed Lee’s request, came immediately after the SFPD fatally shot an unarmed, 29-year-old Black woman named Jessica Williams in the predominantly African-American neighborhood of Bayview. Williams was shot in a car, which police claim was stolen. There was no weapon found in the car, however, nor any indication that she drove the car toward officers.

Before Williams, in March 2014, there was Alex Nieto, a 28-year-old Latino man fatally shot by SFPD in Bernal Heights after a few passersby in the park (employees in the tech industry) called 911 thinking he was an armed gang member. He was a security guard with a taser for his job who got startled by someone’s dog as he ate sunflower seeds. Police fired 59 shots at Nieto.

Then, in February 2015, there was Amilcar Perez-Lopez. A 20-year-old undocumented immigrant from Guatemala, Perez-Lopez was fatally shot in the back by two plainclothes San Francisco police officers in the Mission District while trying to retrieve his cell phone from a cyclist who stole it. Police, apparently, mistook Perez-Lopez for the suspect and killed him.

On December 2, 2015, five SFPD officers killed Mario Woods, a 26-year-old Black man, with a hail of nearly two dozen bullets, as if he’d faced a firing squad. SFPD Chief Greg Suhr claimed that officers killed Woods in self-defense because he pointed a knife at them. However, a KQED analysis of a witness video revealed the first shot was fired before Woods extended his arm.

After that, in April 2016, the SFPD killed Luis Gongora, a 45-year-old homeless man from Mexico. Police claimed Gongora lunged at them with a knife but several witnesses dispute this, saying he never lunged and was never a threat.

Contrast SFPD’s behavior with how British police handled a knife-wielding suspect who allegedly stabbed three people in a London subway: rather fire a bunch of bullets, they tasered and arrested the man. There are other instances of British police successfully subduing knife-wielding suspects without killing them.

According to the Anti-Eviction Mapping Project, San Francisco police killed 102 people between 1985 and 2016. Of those killed, 69 percent were people of color and 38 percent were Black. In 2015, police killed 1,145 people throughout the United States and 211 in California alone, according to The Guardian.

San Francisco’s Black population is less than 6 percent, yet Black people are disproportionately arrested and incarcerated. In 2014, Black inmates made up half of San Francisco’s jail population and nonwhites, overall, were 70 percent. That same year, according to California Department of Justice data, of the 8,710 misdemeanor arrests made in San Francisco, 3,273—almost 38 percent—were of Black people.

In traffic court, according to a report by the civil legal aid group Lawyer’s Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area (LCCR), from 2013 to 2015, Black people constituted 48.7 percent of failure to appear or pay arrests (out of 855) and 45.4 percent for driving with a suspended license (out of 9,312). Those arrests typically occurred in low-income and impoverished areas, such as the Mission District, the Tenderloin, and Bayview-Hunters Point. This keeps people in a cycle of debt and poverty because these arrests continually rack up fees that low-income people cannot afford. Meanwhile, having a driver’s license is important for transportation and required for some jobs.

Recently, a three-judge blue ribbon panel created by San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón to investigate racial bias within SFPD found a number of problems within the police department, including bias and favoritism in hiring practices, lack of transparency on internal discipline and data collection on officer use of force, and “stop and frisk” practices, particularly of Black and Latino individuals. As evidenced in New York City, not only is stop-and-frisk a form of racial profiling, it is also violatespeople’s civil liberties and human dignity and mostly snatches people who have no weapons.

In 2015 alone, SFPD has had over two dozen notorious scandals, including beating up homeless people and, in one instance, 14 cops ganging up on and violently arresting a homeless Black man who had two prosthetic legs.

SFPD is also full of blatantly racist thugs, as evidenced by publicly-released text messages and statements of numerous officers. and other statements. Some texts included KKK-esque statements like “All niggers must fucking hang”; “White Power”; “Cross burning lowers blood pressure! I did the test myself!”; “I hate that beaner but I think the nig is worse”; “Burn down walgreens and kill the bums”;  and when one police officer said he “just boarded the train at Mission/16th” (a gentrifying area with heavy police patrols), another replied, “Ok, watch out for BM’s” [black males].

One former police officer who served in the Bayview Station—Sgt. Lawrence Kempinski—allegedly made racist remarks in front of other officers, including saying that he transferred to Bayview to “kill niggers.” In early February, two employees reported him and, last month, Police Chief Greg Suhr suspended Kempinski and recommended to a police commission that he face discipline, including possible termination.

One would think these statements would come from the mouth of a KKK member or Donald Trump supporter but, nope, they’re from SFPD.

None of this should come as a surprise, however. American policing traces its roots to slavery. To prevent rebellions, runaways, and preserve the system of slavery, armed slave patrols would monitor, search (in a manner similar to stop-and-frisk), arrest, brutalize, and terrorize runaway Black slaves and even free Black Africans. After slavery ended, the remnants of slave patrols continued their practices and formed police agencies and vigilante groups like the Ku Klux Klan. In the North, police departments were created to quell strikes, riots, and protests by working-class people disenchanted with their economic conditions during the rise of industrialization. Since its inception, the main function of American policing has been social control of people unfairly perceived as dangerous or violent, particularly people of color and the homeless; suppressing labor uprisings; and, overall, maintaining social order—an order predicated on inequality.

SFPD’s violence and racism are not a result of who is police chief but, rather, a product of the system itself. Police are not the only part of the problem, either. Judges, lawyers, and the courts play major roles in perpetuating institutional racism within the criminal legal system. Preventing police killings and eliminating institutional racism requires far more than just changing the head of a police department.

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What the War on Reproductive Rights Has to Do With Poverty and Race Print
Friday, 27 May 2016 15:54

Sherman writes: "Every year, more than a million women choose to have an abortion, a third of them Black women."

Planned Parenthood rally in D.C. (photo: AP)
Planned Parenthood rally in D.C. (photo: AP)


What the War on Reproductive Rights Has to Do With Poverty and Race

By Renee Bracey Sherman, YES! Magazine

27 May 16

 

Forty years after Roe v. Wade, discourse about reproductive rights must acknowledge how crucial the abortion decision is to gender equity, economic stability, and a healthy life free from violence.

hen Justice Harry A. Blackmun authored the decision legalizing abortion in Roe v. Wade, he wrote that “[t]he right of personal privacy includes the abortion decision, but this right is not unqualified and must be considered against important state interests in regulation.” Although this was a win for those seeking to both legalize abortion and prevent harm inflicted on people seeking illegal and unsafe abortions, it also opened the door to restrictions on abortion.

That door was pushed open further with the ruling in Planned Parenthood v. Casey, which allowed states to regulate abortion provided they didn’t create an “undue burden” to patients seeking care. State politicians across the country have marched right through that door. The Guttmacher Institute reports that one-quarter of the more than one thousand state abortion restrictions were passed between 2011 and 2015—mostly in conservative states.

And it’s working. In 2011, almost 90 percent of counties did not have an abortion provider, and since then that number has increased. Five states (Mississippi, Missouri, North Dakota, South Dakota, and Wyoming) have only one abortion clinic in the entire state, while others like Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Ohio, and Texas have only a handful of clinics left; a drastic shift from just a few years ago.

The closures are particularly concentrated in the South where more than half of Black Americans reside. Despite anti-choice activists repeating the myth that most abortion clinics are set up in predominantly Black communities, fewer than one in ten are actually in communities with a majority of people of color.

With this tidal wave of anti-choice laws quickly washing away the rights Roe v. Wade gave to all women, it’s clear that not all communities are impacted the same. In the United States, race and class are major factors in who can access abortion care, contraception, and maternal healthcare. However, mainstream discourse too often separates race and class from abortion. It ignores the complex issues around a person’s ability to decide whether, when, and how to become a parent. It ignores how crucial the abortion decision is to gender equity, economic stability, and a healthy life free from violence. Mainstream discourse about abortion decisions does not often include the ability of someone to parent their children with dignity.

(photo: Yes! Magazine)

One in three cisgender women in the United States will have an abortion before age 45. I am one of them.

At the age of 19, I realized I was pregnant. The frequent naps, sore breasts, and vomiting tipped me off, but I was in denial. Until my then-boyfriend’s best friend clearly pointed it out: “Dude, she’s pregnant.”

Once the CVS pregnancy test confirmed the result, we sat on the couch and discussed what to do. I knew my hourly retail job wouldn’t allow me to give my child the future I had always imagined. I was struggling in college and didn’t have the $30 to pick up a birth control pill pack in the first place. As I weighed my options and briefly flirted with the idea of becoming a parent, I thought about the life that I would be able to provide my child.

My then-boyfriend, also 19, had dropped out of high school a few months into our freshman year. This pregnancy came after he had recently served time on a drug charge in a prison boot camp program for first time offenders. Our relationship was toxic, and getting increasingly violent. His boxer’s fracture, given to him by the wall next to my head, had recently healed.

While many people do make a family work with a frequently incarcerated partner, I wasn’t sure that was what I wanted. The lack of a safety net for families living in poverty and the structural racism impacting Black families were always in the back of my mind. Even in the best of circumstances, I questioned whether I could protect my child from all the harms of the world. Considering the additional harms this potential family configuration would create, why would I have a child when I felt least equipped?

My decision was clear: I was not ready to become a parent. I simply didn’t want to be pregnant anymore.

I wasn’t alone in my decision. Every year, more than a million women choose to have an abortion, a third of them Black women. My abortion was a decision I feel lucky to have been able to make.

I have been sharing my abortion story for several years. These days, more people than ever are sharing their own stories in an effort to destigmatize the experience. Last year, an explosive social media campaign #ShoutYourAbortion launched on September 19. Organizers of that campaign encouraged everyone to share stories of how their lives were transformed because they had access to safe and legal abortions. This campaign continues to change the narrative of abortion, from one of shame and stigma, to one of people who are grateful and liberated. However, like many visibility campaigns, voices of more affluent White women often rise to the top even though the majority of people seeking abortions are people of color.

ForHarriet writer Altheria Gaston offers one explanation: Black women’s abortion stigma is compounded by misogynoir, “a term that captures the unique oppression Black women experience not just as a result of sexism, but as a result of sexism that is tinted by our Blackness,” she wrote. “It can serve as a caveat that Black women and women who are poor may face different consequences for shouting their abortion than White and affluent women.”

This is something I’ve experienced myself. The additional stigma borne by people of color makes increased visibility challenging. It can invite a racist, anti-abortion backlash in addition to the usual misogynistic hate. All of a sudden, rather than simply being a “slut” for having had an abortion and daring to speak in positive terms about it, you’re also a “race-traitor” perpetrating genocide against your own people. These race-baiting tactics don’t show up just online—they’re being imported into our communities.

While claiming to care about Black lives, anti-abortion advocates have used racist billboard campaigns to shame Black women out of having abortions without addressing any of the reasons why we choose abortion: lack of access to contraception and comprehensive sexual health education, along with severe cuts to healthcare, safety net, and nutritional programs. In 2010, 65 billboards went up in Atlanta declaring, “Black children are an endangered species.” Famously, in Chicago, a billboard featured an image of President Barack Obama and stated, “Every 21 minutes, our next possible leader is aborted.”

In response, billboards have gone up that speak to the needs of Black women. In Memphis, Tennessee, SisterReach used several billboards to address the need for access to healthcare that includes reproductive care, neighborhoods free from toxins and violence, and quality schools. The message of New Voices Cleveland’s billboard, in the wake of the 2014 police shooting of 12-year-old Tamir Rice, was that reproductive justice must include assurance that families are able to raise children free from racist violence, including police brutality.

Seeing reproductive health, rights, and justice in this larger, intersectional context clearly underscores what women in communities of color need. More to the point, it shows the needs anti-abortion advocates and politicians are not addressing.

(photo: Yes! Magazine)

Black women have historically found themselves at the center of the fight for reproductive freedom.

Sexual exploitation, violence, and forced reproduction were a central part of the slave trade after Congress passed the Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves in 1807. Without the ability to import slaves from Africa and the Caribbean, slaveholders focused additional resources on ensuring their female slaves became pregnant and gave birth to healthy children—to create future slaves and expand property. Slaveholders used rape as a tool for procreation as well as a weapon to punish female slaves or for sexual gratification. “Slavery is terrible for men, but it is far more terrible for women,” said Harriet Jacobs, an escaped slave and writer quoted in Dr. Dorothy Roberts’ book Killing the Black Body.

Enslaved women used herbs such as black haw root, red shank root, red pepper, and gunpowder as forms of contraception as well as to increase the spacing between their pregnancies and to terminate pregnancies. The ability to prevent unintended pregnancies and to abort unwanted pregnancies traditionally allowed women to protect their health (abortion is safer than carrying a pregnancy to term) and to control the size of their family. To control one’s reproductive health and fertility during slavery was seen as an act of rebellion challenging slaveholder authority. Abortion’s stigma may have its beginnings here as it denied slave owners the ability to profit from enslaved women’s bodies.

Once slavery was abolished and Black women needed support in raising their families, their fertility was deemed irresponsible and a burden to society. Yet access to birth control and abortion care was segregated. Historian Leslie J. Reagan writes, in When Abortion Was a Crime, that White hospitals and providers refused to offer health care to Black patients forcing Black doctors to set up separate illegal abortion and birth control clinics.

Race and racism have been intertwined with reproductive health care—and its lack. Hundreds of years later, not much has changed.

Although media depictions tend to portray a woman getting an abortion as a young, single, White, middle-class woman without children, the majority of people having abortions are in fact people of color, the majority of whom are already parenting in poverty. According to the Guttmacher Institute, Black women account for 30 percent of abortions, Latinas account for 25 percent, and other non-White races account for 9 percent.

And there are other complexities buried in the statistics. While it’s true that Black women obtain abortions at five times the rate of White women, researchers attribute this to lack of health insurance and contraception access. And here’s the unfunny punchline: Low-income women tend to get their contraception dispensed from the same reproductive health care clinics that are being shut down.

Because these low-income women don’t have access to contraception, they need access to abortion care. Of all women obtaining abortions, 42 percent are living below the federal poverty level of $10,830 for a single woman without children. Another 37 percent live between 100 percent and 199 percent of the federal poverty level. And another unfunny punchline: Women denied the abortions they seek are three times more likely to be living in poverty two years later.

Among the abortion restriction policies that drive numbers like these, the Hyde Amendment is singular in its effect of turning abortion access into a war on the poor. Hyde denied Medicaid recipients, disproportionately women of color, access to abortion care by banning insurance coverage. This policy leads one in four women to carry a pregnancy to term that she otherwise might not have.

It’s been 40 years since Roe v. Wade. Many Americans can recall the days before the landmark decision, when women sought abortions from illegal providers and died as a result. We haven’t come so far. According to a 2015 study by the Texas Policy Evaluation Project at the University of Texas at Austin, an estimated 100,000 to 240,000 women have attempted self-induced abortions because of an inability to access a medical abortion.

In June 2015, Kenlissia Jones, a 23-year-old Black woman, was arrested in Georgia on charges of malice murder and possession of a dangerous drug after she attempted to self-induce her abortion with medication, reportedly because of a breakup with her partner and the lack of abortion-care providers in her community. Jones, who was allegedly 22 weeks pregnant, purchased abortion medication online but rushed to the hospital when she began to bleed. A hospital social worker called police, and Jones was arrested. The murder charge was later dropped.

Jones is one more in a long line of women of color who have faced criminal charges and jail time for, or for being suspected of, self-inducing an abortion. Earlier in 2015, in Indiana, Purvi Patel, a 33-year-old Indian American woman was accused of feticide after seeking treatment at an emergency room for a miscarriage. Authorities found text messages where Patel told a friend she purchased abortion medication from a Hong Kong pharmacy. Patel is serving a 20-year sentence, and in May 2016 filed an appeal. There are many others. Women of color tend to live in poverty and tend to lack access to reproductive health care. They also tend to be criminalized for self-inducing abortions. As states increasingly criminalize abortion, low-income women of color are the targets.

It is paramount that we fight for reproductive justice and bodily autonomy at the same time we fight for Black liberation. As activists attempt to reverse the tide of abortion restrictions, it would be a mistake not to make racial and economic injustice central themes in the reproductive rights movement going forward. Lives depend on it.

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FOCUS | The Urgency of Now: Fighting the 'Hysteria Factory' Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=39146"><span class="small">Dennis J Bernstein, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Friday, 27 May 2016 13:37

Dennis J Bernstein, Reader Supported News

Voters line up to cast their ballots on Super Tuesday, March 1, 2016, in Fort Worth, Texas. (photo: Ron Jenkins/Getty)
Voters line up to cast their ballots on Super Tuesday, March 1, 2016, in Fort Worth, Texas. (photo: Ron Jenkins/Getty)


The Urgency of Now: Fighting the 'Hysteria Factory'

By Dennis J Bernstein, Reader Supported News

27 May 16

 


Below is an audio excerpt of Dennis J Bernstein's discussion with Greg Palast. Click to play.
Get Adobe Flash player



lection Protection Bulletin, The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, with bestselling investigative reporter Greg Palast and Flashpoints’ host, Dennis J Bernstein. This week they are joined by actress and Voto Latino spokeswoman Rosario Dawson as they delve into what Greg calls the hysteria machine and voter fraud.

Dennis Bernstein: Today we’ll delve into the hysteria machine and hear from Voto Latino’s Rosario Dawson, who was at UCLA on May 10th with Greg and other media experts on a panel called The Urgency of Now. Please set this up for us, Greg, and give us a bit of history and background on voter fraud in America. Then tell us a little bit about what Rosario Dawson had to say on the subject at UCLA.

Greg Palast: Bill O’Reilly from Fox News, and the other foxes in the foxhole, talk about the massive amount of voter fraud in America. But it’s also coming from the mainstream. Why all these cries of voter fraud? There are about six people a year – in a major election year – arrested in the US for committing voter fraud. So why all this hysteria about people voting fraudulently? I call it the hysteria machine. The purpose was laid out by Rosario Dawson, the actress from “Sin City.” She’s also the voice of Voto Latino. She tells us why they are hysterical about voter fraud. “That they are trying to manipulate the vote is outrageous. It is fearmongering so people can pass ridiculous legislation to suppress people from voting.”

Rosario and I talked about how the hysteria machine is used to suppress the vote. How do they do this? By saying there are fraudulent voters, they can come up with ways to eliminate the fraudulent voters. If someone is impersonating a dead person – or if a dead person walks into a voting booth – how do you stop the zombies from voting? You require photo ID. Last week we talked about how Kansas, Alabama, and Georgia voters now need to prove their citizenship, which is not so easy. Driver’s licenses and Social Security cards don’t work. It’s very difficult. What is the purpose? Do they have non-citizens voting? In Florida, 181,000 people were accused of being illegal alien voters and only one Republican from Austria was arrested.

It’s not a crime that happens, but it’s a very good crime you can accuse people of, without any evidence, and not even arrest anyone, but you can take their vote away. Rosario said, “You have this pre-crime thing. You haven’t done the crime, but we are going to anticipate it and penalize you for it. We’re going to judge you already and take you off the roster. The idea I grew up with of innocent until proven guilty no longer applies. Now you are guilty until you prove yourself to be innocent.” For example, in Florida 181,000 people – almost all with Hispanic last names – were sent letters by the Republican administration headed by Rick Scott, telling them to appear in court and prove their citizenship before they can vote. How did they get those names? They said they had deported somebody with the last name of Hernandez, so everyone with the last name of Hernandez in Florida must prove that they are a citizen. This is not a joke. People with the last name Koch don’t have to prove they are citizens. Rosario is saying that, in effect, they are being accused of committing a felony of voting illegally without any evidence at all.

DB: Greg, please put this in a national context. Is this a methodical program, a pattern and practice being instituted now? Is this new?

Palast: It’s not new, but it’s accelerating. The Ku Klux Klan used to scare away voters of color wearing white sheets. Now they use spreadsheets. For example, in Florida, Kansas, Alabama, and other states they are accusing illegal aliens of voting. We’ve previously talked about how in Kansas they are running a program for 30 Republican-controlled states called Cross Check where they are accusing people of voting twice. They’ve arrested two people and accused 7.2 million of voting twice – overwhelmingly voters of color.

DB: What do you mean accused? How do they accuse somebody?

Palast: They simply run names through computers. For example, in 2000, I uncovered that Katherine Harris had a list of 92,000 names of voters who supposedly were convicted of felonies in Florida so could not vote. If they criminally re-registered, it would send them back to prison. But she removed those people, almost all African-Americans. That elected George Bush as president. They used a computer, knocked off these voters from the voter roles, and in most cases didn’t notify them. One young man, a Gulf War veteran, came back from the war and took his five-year-old kid to the voting station to show him what Martin Luther King Jr. has done for African-Americans. “Now we can vote,” he said – but they said he couldn’t vote. “You are a felon.” In front of his kid. He had never even gotten a traffic ticket. That was a shameful racist incident and that’s how they stole the vote in 2000.

The lesson the GOP learned from the Florida purging was how to imitate that in other states. So the felon purges spread across the nation. Instead of being ended, they spread to places like Colorado. When it was under Republican control, they removed 50,000 voters of color as felons, even though it’s not even illegal for a person convicted of a felony to vote in Colorado. In most states it isn’t illegal. In New York, California, you can vote if you have a felony conviction, just not from prison. They learned from Katherine Harris how to do it, and they expanded it. They use lists of names. A real name from the list is Maria Hernandez. They claimed that Maria Isabel Hernandez voted a second time as Maria Christina Hernandez in another state. So both Maria Hernandezes, with two different middle names, had their registrations cancelled – given no notice – because they had a common first and last name. Who has common first and last names? African-Americans, as a leftover from slavery, often have names such as Washington and Jackson. Immigrants often have names such as Rodriguez and Hernandez, etc. Eighty-five of the most common 100 last names in America are predominantly voters of color.

That’s how they remove people. Not with Klansmen in white sheets, but guys with computers and spreadsheets. They do it quietly. Sometimes you are notified, and sometimes not. It’s all about accusing people of committing a terrible crime for which almost no one gets arrested, such as voting twice, voting illegally if you are a felon from prison, or voting for someone else – which is why they supposedly need the voter ID. They create this hysteria. They said on Fox News that two million illegal aliens have voted in US elections. This is not just some Fox News nut. Hans Von Spakovsky, the guy who claims the two million illegal alien voters, was appointed to chair a commission by President Barack Obama on how to improve voting in America. I’m not making that up.

DB: Who pays for the spreadsheets, the research? How can we track the money here?

Palast: Rosario talked about the money boys and who is behind this. It’s not just Republicans stealing votes from Democrats. That’s not at the core of it. “It’s a very calculated, manipulated effort. There are a lot of people conspiring to make that happen, because this isn’t just one person or a few people who benefit from it. The entire system benefits from things going they way they are going.” What she’s talking about is the money behind vote purging. It’s not necessarily partisan. Follow the money. Hans Von Spakovsky and other so-called experts are pushing the idea that there are millions and millions of fraudulent voters: illegal alien voters, double voters, criminal voters, dead voters, people impersonating other voters. Where does this come from? There is a pamphlet put out by the Heritage Foundation, which is at the center of this hysteria machine. It’s called “Does Your Vote Count?” This is typical of what Heritage puts out. Why do we care about Heritage? That’s otherwise known as the Koch Foundation. The Heritage Foundation was founded, funded, and maintained by the billionaire brothers David and Charles Koch. The pamphlet says types of voter fraud are: impersonation fraud at the polls, false registration, duplicate voting, fraudulent use of absentee ballots, buying votes, illegal assistance at the polls, ineligible voting, altering the vote count. This is their list of terrible voter fraud crimes involving millions of people in a massive conspiracy to vote illegally.

The obvious solution is to remove people with common names, because they have obviously voted twice. You require people to have photo voter ID so you can’t impersonate someone else. Indiana started requiring photo voter ID despite the fact that in 100 years of record keeping, not one person was found to have impersonated another to vote. Why? Because it’s five years in the slammer if you do that. For one vote. They are going to organize this on a multi-million-person basis? Why are the Kochs so intent to create and build this hysteria machine that will remove voters? They are not very partisan. Most people think of them as Republicans, but they aren’t. David Koch was going to run for governor of Kansas as a Democrat. They’ve been in other parties, such as the Libertarian Party. They are for the Koch Party. They are for themselves. They have an agenda. For example, they need the XL pipeline to be completed because at the end of the pipeline are their refineries, which would get that discounted filthy Canadian oil. They have a money interest in this. This is what Rosario was trying to get across. Follow the money. There are people who make a profit by manipulating the system and preventing you from voting – especially voters of color. There is money to be made.

DB: In the 60s, with the move toward voter rights and the battle for voter registration, the powers that be, the racists, and the Klan used to accuse black folks of illegal voter registration. Then they’d have long Grand Jury investigations and put old people on buses to various Grand Jury operations and intimidate them. That’s what brought us the voting rights protections that we got through Lyndon Johnson. They are gone now. We’ve got the same forces trying to undermine any kind of voter protection. The only thing that’s changed is the methods. The electronic actions can steal votes without people knowing what’s going on.

Palast: One interesting change is technical. They no longer use nightriders, white sheets, burning crosses on people’s lawns, and lynchings. There were 3,600 Black people lynched to prevent Black people from voting. Now it’s all in cyberspace. It’s not Jim Crow. It’s Dr. James Crow, Systems Consultant. Also, until the Voting Rights Act, the blockade was created by the Democratic Party. The racist, anti-Semitic, and anti-immigrant know-nothings and Klan were expressing their prejudice and fears of the other. Now it’s quite changed. It’s become billionaires who are interested in manipulating the vote. It’s very sad how many Democrats as well as Republicans have become involved in purging voters of color in these vicious primary cycles. For the most part, it’s the billionaires like the Kochs, who have a monetary interest.

It’s a lot easier to manipulate the vote than convince somebody to change their position. To put it in simplest, the crudest terms, there ain’t enough white guys to elect Donald Trump. So how do you keep a Republican House and Senate, which is their biggest concern, if there aren’t enough white guys who will come out? The answer is you eliminate the non-white guys. You do it through these methods, which, as Rosario pointed out, couldn’t have happened if we still had the full force of the Voting Rights Act, which was gutted by Supreme Court in 2013. Look out. This will be the first presidential election without the full protection of the Voting Rights Act. I’ve been traveling around the country for Rolling Stone, and it’s the ugliest I have seen since the 60s.

Rosario said that we shouldn’t discourage people from voting, but do just the opposite. We need to say to people, “They don’t want you to vote, so you have to keep voting.” A young Latina woman was turned away from voting in New Mexico when I was there because they didn’t like her voter ID. She wasn’t going to go home to find another ID and return, and she was in tears. She said, “They don’t want me to vote. I’m not coming back.” Rosario said she would tell her: “Dig your heels in, man. Dig your heels in. And keep going.” I know people in their 80s in Nevada who showed up to vote and were told their names were off the list. The woman said absolutely not. This is not OK. She went to a judge. She said, “I’m in my 80s. I’ve always voted and I intend to continue voting. I don’t know if this is going to be my last vote, and I’m not going to let anybody steal it from me. This is obviously your mistake and you are going to correct it because I am voting today.” The suffragette movement wasn’t easy. Ending slavery wasn’t easy. Most of the world had slavery, so it was a radical idea to stop it.



Dennis J Bernstein is the executive producer of Flashpoints, syndicated on Pacifica Radio, and is the recipient of a 2015 Pillar Award for his work as a journalist whistleblower. He is most recently the author of Special Ed: Voices from a Hidden Classroom.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: Hillary Clinton's New Anti-Trump Ad Misses the Mark Print
Friday, 27 May 2016 10:33

Taibbi writes: "A new attack ad put out by the Hillary Clinton campaign this week achieves the near-impossible, making Donald Trump look wronged and (almost) like a victim. More believably, it makes the Democrats look sleazy and disingenuous in comparison."

A new Hillary Clinton campaign ad hits Donald Trump for saying in 2006 that he hoped the real-estate market would crash because 'you could make a lot of money.' (photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty)
A new Hillary Clinton campaign ad hits Donald Trump for saying in 2006 that he hoped the real-estate market would crash because 'you could make a lot of money.' (photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty)


Hillary Clinton's New Anti-Trump Ad Misses the Mark

By Matt Taibbi, Rolling Stone

27 May 16

 

Clinton accuses Trump of "rooting" for a crash caused by her own donors

new attack ad put out by the Hillary Clinton campaign this week achieves the near-impossible, making Donald Trump look wronged and (almost) like a victim. More believably, it makes the Democrats look sleazy and disingenuous in comparison.

The ad begins with a picture of a grinning Trump and the words, "In 2006, Donald Trump was hoping for a real estate crash."

It proceeds to a series of grim scenes from the financial crisis. Against a Roger and Me-esque montage of blighted neighborhoods, it reads off stats: "9 million Americans lost their jobs. 5 million people lost their homes."

Then it returns to a grinning Trump, and another line:

"And the man who could be our next president…

was rooting for it to happen."

Then we hear Trump talking about how a bursting of the real-estate bubble would be an opportunity for rich folks like himself.

"I sort of hope that happens, because then people like me would go in and buy," Trump says, in an interview from 2006. "If there is a bubble burst, as they call it, you know, you could make a lot of money."

Cut to: "If Donald wins, you lose."

This ad is disingenuous in a dozen different ways. For one thing, the destruction that the Clinton campaign describes was not caused by people swooping in after the bubble burst, buying at the bottom of the market.

It was caused by the existence of a speculative bubble in the first place. And that bubble was inflated not by Donald Trump, but by the people who have at least in part bankrolled Hillary Clinton's career: namely, Wall Street banks.

In the mid-2000s, a speculative mania swallowed up the real-estate markets largely because Wall Street discovered a new (and often criminally fraudulent) way to peddle mortgage securities. 

The basic trick involved big banks buying up the risky home loans of subprime borrowers — the loans of people who often lacked verified incomes and had poor credit histories — and repackaging them as highly rated mortgage securities. 

Basically they took risky loans and presented them as somewhat safer investments to a range of investors, all of whom later got clobbered: pension funds, hedge funds, unions, even Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.

This technique, of turning rancid home loans into a kind of financial hamburger and then selling it off as grade-A beef to institutional investors, created artificial demand in the real-estate markets, which in turn led to the speculative mania.

The bubble stayed inflated for a few years because a continual influx of new investors kept the old investors from losing their shirts for a while. The layman's term for this is a Ponzi scheme.

So when Donald Trump in 2006 says, "If there is a bubble burst, you could make a lot of money," he might sound crass, but he wasn't wrong. That bubble was always going to burst. Those investors who got creamed were always going to get creamed.

And the fault was with the people who drove this speculative craze by knowingly peddling bad merchandise and continually driving the markets upward. Think, for example, of Citigroup, which was selling huge masses of mortgage securities even as its traders were saying things to each other like, "We should start praying… I would not be surprised if half of these loans went down."

We know the names of many of these companies because many of them have agreed to pay huge settlements for their involvement in selling mismarked mortgage securities.

Four of them — the aforementioned Citigroup, along with Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley, and JP Morgan Chase — are among Hillary Clinton's top six contributors for her career.

The new Clinton ad references people in foreclosure — it even shows a big, scary foreclosure sign. Many of the same banks also agreed to massive settlements for, among other things, using fraudulent documents to kick people out of their houses. Major Clinton donors Citigroup and JP Morgan Chase were signatories to the original $25 billion foreclosure settlement, for instance.

As for the whole issue of "rooting" for a crash so as to make money off the misery of others, what Donald Trump was talking about — and it's galling to the point of being physically painful to have to defend him here — may sound scummy, but was neither illegal nor even unethical, unless you want to call this kind of capitalism unethical (which some might).

Trump wasn't rooting for an avoidable disaster, like a 9/11. With this bubble, the disaster had already happened. The properties were already overvalued. Trump or not, that pain was coming.

Taking advantage of market inefficiencies is what investors are supposed to do, a la the traders in The Big Short who spotted the corruption in the real-estate markets early and bet accordingly. Personally I doubt Trump was smart enough to bet so much as a penny out of his alleged billions on the market collapsing, but if he did, it wouldn't have been unethical, just cold.

The same can't be said for Goldman Sachs, the company famous for paying Hillary Clinton $675,000 for three speeches.

In the spring of 2011, the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, led by Michigan's Carl Levin, released a giant report about the way Goldman profited from the crash by shorting the market even as it was advising clients in the opposite direction.

This report detailed how in 2006, the same year that Donald Trump was talking out loud about the bubble bursting, Goldman found itself stuck with what amounted to a $6 billion bet on the housing market.

But at the end of the year the firm analyzed its position, saw the coming trouble, and realized it needed a change in strategy. Goldman's leaders, including CEO Lloyd Blankfein (seen here warmly embracing Hillary Clinton) and CFO David Viniar, decided that they needed to unload as many of their mortgage holdings as possible. 

One particular quote the Senate investigators dug up stands out. In late December of 2006, Viniar wrote an email to his chief mortgage officer (emphasis mine):

"Let's be aggressive distributing things," he said, "because there will be very good opportunities as the markets [go] into what is likely to be even greater distress, and we want to be in a position to take advantage of them."

This, coming from the chief financial officer of a firm that has been among Hillary Clinton's top donors, is exactly what Donald Trump said.

The difference was, Donald Trump was just talking about making money for himself. Goldman executives were talking about making money at their own clients' expense.

Two months after that Viniar memo, in February of 2007, Blankfein wrote an email of his own.

"Could/should we have cleaned up these books before," Blankfein wrote, "and are we doing enough right now to sell off cats and dogs in other books throughout the division?"

By "cats and dogs," Blankfein meant the toxic mortgage holdings he wanted off his company's books. How did they get rid of them? They sold them off to customers.

In one particular deal, called Hudson, Goldman unloaded $1.2 billion worth of "cats and dogs." They neglected to tell the client that these came from their own inventory, saying instead that the holdings were "sourced from the street."

By the spring of 2007, Goldman executives were in a panic about the likely meltdown of the real-estate markets. In May, a senior exec gave a presentation saying, "There is real meltdown potential."

The execs scanned the earth for suckers willing to buy up their doomed products. They found a hedge fund in Australia willing to buy a $100 million mortgage-based deal called Timberwolf, promising returns as high as 60 percent while privately laughing about finding the ultimate sucker.

"I found a white elephant, flying pig and unicorn all at once," clucked one of the bank's sales reps. A few days later, after the deal was off their books, another Goldman exec famously trumpeted, "Boy, that Timberwolf was one shitty deal."

I spent most of the last eight years poring through disgusting stories like this, reporting on the dreary question of what caused the 2008 crash. All of that work was done before Hillary Clinton announced she would run for president. This isn't about Hillary Clinton for me. It's about the continuing influence of these companies.

These firms have mostly avoided blame for the crisis, partly because this subject is complicated, but also because mainstream politicians from both parties have refused to point a finger at them. For that, Hillary Clinton probably is at fault now, contributing to a failure among major-party politicians to be straight with the public that dates back to the first days of the crisis.

It's bad strategy. Trump is a lunatic, but he's gaining strength because his supporters believe his story about being so rich that he's free to tell it like it is. They equally believe his windy diatribes about Beltway pols like Jeb Bush and Hillary being compromised by the great gobs of money they take from corporate donors.

By blaming Trump for a problem caused by their own political patrons, Hillary and the Democrats are walking face-first into Trump's rhetorical buzz-saw. Couldn't they find something else to hit him with?

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