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In Orlando, as Usual, Domestic Violence Was Ignored Red Flag Print
Wednesday, 15 June 2016 13:29

Chemaly writes: "Omar Mateen had 'no record of previous hate crimes' - though that depends how you categorize domestic violence."

The Orlando Pulse shooter Omar Mateen. (photo: AP)
The Orlando Pulse shooter Omar Mateen. (photo: AP)


In Orlando, as Usual, Domestic Violence Was Ignored Red Flag

By Soraya Chemaly, Rolling Stone

15 June 16

 

Omar Mateen had "no record of previous hate crimes" — though that depends how you categorize domestic violence

arly Sunday morning, Omar Mateen began killing people in what became the worst mass shooting in U.S. history. Authorities will now study what may have made the 29-year-old go to the Pulse gay nightclub with the intention of ending so many lives.

The Washington Post reported Monday that "although family members said Mateen had expressed anger about homosexuality, the shooter had no record of previous hate crimes." But that depends on how you categorize domestic violence.

Mateen's coworker, Daniel Gilroy, who requested a transfer so he wouldn't have to work with Mateen, describes him as "scary in a concerning way.... He had anger management issues. Something would set him off, but the things that would set him off were always women, race or religion. [Those were] his button pushers."

Mateen reportedly beat his ex-wife, Sitora Yusifiy, and at one point held her hostage, but was never held accountable. She divorced him after only four months of marriage, citing his mental-health issues. Her family, she says, had to "pull [her] out of his arms." She describes Mateen as practicing his religion — Islam — but showing "no sign" of violent radicalism. It's understandable what she means there, but perhaps it's time our society started to think of physical abuse, possessiveness and men's entitlement to act in those ways toward women as terroristic, violent and radical.

As Huffington Post reporter Melissa Jeltsen wrote last year, "The untold story of mass shootings in America is one of domestic violence." According to a conservative estimate by the FBI, 57 percent of the mass shootings (involving more than four victims) between January 2009 and June 2014 involved a perpetrator killing an intimate partner or other family member. In other words, men killing women intimates and their children and relatives are the country's prototypical mass shooters; these killings are horrifyingly common. In fact, on Sunday, while the world watched in horror as news poured out of Orlando, a man in New Mexico was arrested in the fatal shooting deaths of his wife and four daughters.

Even when intimate partners are not involved, gender and the dynamics of gender are salient. According to one detailed analysis, 64 percent of the victims of mass murders are women and children, and yet the role that masculinity and aggrieved male entitlement plays is largely sidelined. Schools, for example, make up 10 percent of the sites of mass shootings in the U.S., and women and girls are twice as likely to die in school shootings. Gymsshopping malls and places of worship are also frequent targets, and are similarly places where women and girls are predictably present in greater numbers.

Homophobia is nothing if not grounded in profound misogyny. Regardless of religion or ethnicity, anti-LGTB rhetoric is the expression of dominant heterosexuality that feeds on toxic masculinity and rigid gender stereotypes. Sunday's mass killing targeted the LGTBQ community — including people who violate gender rules, such as men who are "like women," per Mateen's thinking. What's more, according to several Pulse regulars, Mateen had previously been to the nightclub a number of times, and investigators are also looking into whether he may have been using a gay dating app. It's still unclear why he might have done those things, but at least a few people have said he may have been gay and closeted, potentially adding another dimension to his homophobia.

The club where the shooting took place, Pulse, had been known as a particularly a safe space for queer and trans people of color, groups who are the target of the fastest growing number of hate crimes in the United States. If Mateen's choosing Pulse as a target isn't an indication of aggrieved entitlement and fragile masculinity, I don't know what is. Pledging allegiance to ISIS, as he is reported to have done in the midst of the shooting, while related in many dimensions to this problem, seems more like a symptom, not a cause.

Intimate partner violence and the toxic masculinity that fuels it are the canaries in the coal mine for understanding public terror, and yet this connection continues largely to be ignored, to everyone's endangerment. It is essential to understand religious extremism (of all stripes), racism, homophobia, mental illness and gun use, but all of these factors are on ugly quotidian display in one place before all others: at home. If experts in countering violent extremism are looking for an obvious precursor to public massacres, this is where they should focus their attentions.

There are major problems to overcome before we'll see real change, though. First, we need to fundamentally shift how we think about and assess "terror." Just as the public's consciousness has been raised in regards to race, ethnicity and the framing of only some agents of violence as "terrorists," so too should we consider domestic violence a form of daily terror. Three women a day are killed by intimate partners in the United States, and the majority of women murdered are murdered by men they know. There needs to be a dissolution between what we think of as "domestic" violence, traditionally protected by patriarchal privacy norms and perpetrated by men against "their" women, and "public" violence, traditionally understood as male-on-male. Acts of public terrorism such as the one in Orlando Sunday would be less unpredictable if intimate partner violence were understood as a public health and safety issue, instead of as a private problem.

Second, we must address the reasons why many victims of domestic violence are not comfortable going to the police — for instance, the fact that sexual "misconduct" is the second most prevalent form of police misconduct, after excessive force. Additionally, high rates of police brutality, particularly in communities of color, constitute a form of terror. This fact should be inseparable from tolerance for high rates of intimate partner violence in police ranks. Women, and perhaps especially women of color, who might otherwise be able to alert law enforcement about the early signs of violence or radicalization do not currently feel safe or comfortable going to the police.

The third major issue to address is that of violent men and their access to guns. In households where an abusive spouse has access to a gun, women are five times more likely to be killed. And yet, men who violently abuse women they are related to are not barred from owning or buying guns if their domestic violence is never reported to the police or prosecuted. What's more, gun-rights activists are trying to overturn a 1996 amendment to a federal law that says it's illegal for a person who's been convicted of a domestic violence misdemeanor to buy or own a gun. And currently people with restraining orders associated with intimate partner violence are only prohibited from owning or buying guns in fewer than half of U.S. states.

Fourth, it's time to correlate the known risk factors for intimate partner killing, determined in what is known as a lethality assessment, to other factors that might help predict who will engage in acts of mass shooting and killing. Given the ridiculous pace of intimate partner and mass shootings, there's no shortage of data to study. We know what behaviors presage men's murdering women and children and then, often, turning guns on themselves. What if those metrics were integrated into models designed to understand and counter what is traditionally thought of as violence extremism? If, as Jelsten pointed out, experts believe that domestic homicides are "the most predictable and preventable of all homicides" then, given what we know about the inciting incidents in most mass shootings, so too are the majority of acts of public terror.

It does not take intensive analysis or complicated transnational databases to conclude that men who feel entitled to act violently, with impunity, against those they care for will, in all probability, feel greater entitlement to act violently toward those they hate or are scared of.

The sooner we start recognizing this fact, the safer not just women, but all of us, will become.

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FOCUS: We Must Not Let the Orlando Nightclub Terror Further Strangle Our Civil Liberties Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=32675"><span class="small">Chelsea Manning, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Wednesday, 15 June 2016 11:50

Manning writes: "An attack like this is carefully planned and executed to maximize attention by inflaming the passions of a helpless public. Because of this, the response can be more dangerous than the attack. The refrains of 'safety and security' have, for many years, been used as a tool by the powerful to justify curtailing civil liberties and emboldening backlash against immigrants, Muslim people and others."

Memorial for Orlando attack. (photo: Xinhua)
Memorial for Orlando attack. (photo: Xinhua)


We Must Not Let the Orlando Nightclub Terror Further Strangle Our Civil Liberties

By Chelsea Manning, Guardian UK

15 June 16

 

As we mourn the shooting victims, it’s imperative that we remember the response can be more dangerous than the attack

his morning, I woke up in my cell to an even more shattered and fractured world. We are lost. We are devastated. We are bewildered. We are hurt. And we are angry. I haven’t been this angry since losing a soldier in my unit to an RPG attack in southeastern Baghdad during my deployment in Iraq in 2010.

As a young queer kid growing up, I explored my identity through the Chicago and Washington DC club scene. As many have said, the club is our sanctuary – a place where we find ourselves, love ourselves and find community. I can totally relate to the trauma that has afflicted our community in the wake of the shooting in Orlando.

We must grieve and mourn and support each other, but in our grief and outrage we must resist any temptations to let this attack – or any attack – trigger anti-Muslim foreign policy, attacks on our civil liberties or as an excuse to descend into xenophobia and Islamophobia.

However, an attack like this is carefully planned and executed to maximize attention by inflaming the passions of a helpless public. Because of this, the response can be more dangerous than the attack. The refrains of “safety and security” have, for many years, been used as a tool by the powerful to justify curtailing civil liberties and emboldening backlash against immigrants, Muslim people and others.

Those who wish to continue campaigns of fear are prepared to cast an entire religion as hateful with no reflection on their own complicity in the many forms of violence the queer community encounters in the United States. We should not let their agendas guide our reaction to this senseless massacre.

We’re not sure yet what schemes might be proposed over the next few days and weeks, but we have seen how politicians have used our fear to compromise our constitution many times in the past, from extraordinary rendition (kidnapping) to enhanced interrogation (torture), from foreign intelligence surveillance courts to encryption backdoors.

Some will claim extreme measures are necessary to protect the queer and trans community. Others will erase the queer and Latin identities of the victims and instead claim that we are at war with Islam. But regardless of how the narrative is told, such policies will undoubtedly have a negative impact on our community at home and abroad.

Current proposals for hate crime laws and terrorism enhancements only take more power away from our community. We consolidate power with law enforcement only to have those same mechanisms turned against us. For example, more intense scrutiny on verification procedures in government and business have created barriers for trans people seeking documents that correctly identify their gender, causing us to be subjected to abusive and humiliating searches when traveling. Any increase in surveillance of marginalized communities for the sake of security theater have expanded the cycle of criminalization that queer people – especially queer people of color – are forced to navigate.

Earlier this year, the FBI sought a novel judicial backdoor to a cellphone in response to the San Bernardino attack. Such a backdoor would have potentially allowed the government to more easily target queer and trans people as well as human rights campaigners, environmentalists and anti-corporate protestors as “threats and criminals.”

In response to leaks and mass attacks on military bases, the FBI also sought to stifle potential whistleblowers. This Insider Threat program used my gender identity, psychological profile and history as a basis for their targeting. “Safety and security” has even been used as a justification to place a two-inch limit on the length of my hair.

We are not safe and secure when the government uses us as pawns to perpetrate violence against others. Our safety and security will come when we organize, love and resist together.

We should remember that we are alive. We are real flesh and blood. Apart from the fact that we are increasingly disconnected from the world by technology and politics, we are still surviving as a community.

And even though we have come a long way, events like these remind us we still have a long way to go. Thoughts and prayers alone won’t protect our community. We need to continue to build and support queer and trans communities and end the profiling and criminalization that so many face.

We find solace and sanctuary in the club because we are so often expelled from other public spaces – from bathrooms, from street corners, from jobs, from history. Our survival is our resistance. And our solidarity and support for the Muslim community in these coming days and months – some of whom are queer and trans – will lift us all up in the face of anyone seeking to further marginalize another.

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FOCUS: Bernie's Agenda to Transform the Democratic Party Print
Wednesday, 15 June 2016 10:40

Galindez writes: "Bernie Sanders called for the most progressive platform in the history of the party."

Bernie Sanders. (photo: Jewel Samad/Getty Images)
Bernie Sanders. (photo: Jewel Samad/Getty Images)


Bernie's Agenda to Transform the Democratic Party

By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News

15 June 16

 

n Tuesday, as voters cast their ballots in Washington DC, Bernie Sanders held a press conference in which he laid out a framework for what he wants to accomplish at the Democratic Convention in Philadelphia in July.

At the top of the agenda was a change in the leadership of the Democratic National Committee. He stopped short of calling for Debbie Wasserman Schultz to be replaced, but that was clearly what he meant. He called for the party leadership to focus on growing the party membership, not the organization’s bank account.

In an interview on Tuesday afternoon with NBC’s Chuck Todd, Wasserman Schultz said she was planning to finish her term – but the question remains, will the choice be hers? “I am planning on continuing to focus all the way through the election to the end of my term on making sure that we can elect Democrats up and down the ballot, especially including the president of the United States,” she said.

Bernie Sanders called for the most progressive platform in the history of the party. He wants that platform to show that “the party is on the side of working people, is on the side of low income people, is on the side of people who have no health insurance, and is prepared to stand up to the powerful corporate interests whose greed is doing so much harm to our country.”

Sanders also called for real electoral reform within the Democratic Party. He wants open primaries, arguing that preventing millions of people from participating the nominating process because they are registered as independent is incomprehensible. He also called for same-day voter registration. Sanders said the party needs to put resources into better training and more poll workers to prevent the long lines that hampered the ability to vote in places like Arizona and Puerto Rico. He said the way elections are run needs to be reformed so that the system is worthy of the Democratic Party.

Sanders also called for the elimination of superdelegates, calling the current system in which superdelegates pledge their support before the campaign even starts absurd. He said he didn’t want “super delegates to live in a world of their own but instead reflect the views of the people in their own state.”

Bernie said that those were just a few of the changes that have to take place and vowed to fight for them in the weeks and months to come.

Later in the day, Sanders met with Hillary Clinton and released the following statement:

“Senator Sanders and Secretary Clinton met in Washington on Tuesday evening and had a positive discussion about how best to bring more people into the political process and about the dangerous threat that Donald Trump poses to our nation.

“Sanders congratulated Secretary Clinton on the campaign she has run and said he appreciated her strong commitment to stopping Trump in the general election.

“The two discussed a variety of issues where they are seeking common ground: substantially raising the minimum wage; real campaign finance reform; making health care universal and accessible; making college affordable and reducing student debt.

“Sanders and Clinton agreed to continue working to develop a progressive agenda that addresses the needs of working families and the middle class and adopting a progressive platform for the Democratic National Convention.”

There was some speculation that Sanders would suspend his campaign after the meeting, but spokesman Michael Briggs said earlier Tuesday that Sanders will not drop out “today, or tomorrow, or the next day. He has said that he plans to stay in this through the Democratic convention.”

While the meeting with Clinton was taking place, campaign surrogates Nina Turner and Larry Cohen, who were at Sunday’s meeting of the candidate’s inner circle, went into more detail on what the senator plans to focus on now. They were guests on ‘News with Ed,’ Ed Shultz’s new show on RT.

Cohen, the former head of the Communication Workers of America, said everyone at that meeting pledged to stick with the movement beyond the convention and the election. Cohen called the meeting with Clinton “an attempt to figure out how much common ground is there and how do we get more common ground.”

Nina Turner said, “This is about show, not tell. Sanders supporters don’t want to hear the pretty talk, they want to make sure this platform that will be discussed and debated in Philadelphia is one that will actually be realized when all is said is done.”

After the meeting, Sanders flew back to Vermont, where he will hold an online event on Thursday to discuss his future plans with supporters. Many of his surrogates and delegates will be meeting in Chicago this weekend in what is being billed as The People’s Summit. Sanders himself has been invited to speak, but is not a confirmed speaker. Many of his closest advisors will be participating, including Nina Turner, Rep. Raul Grijalva. and Rep. Tulsi Gabbard.

So it looks like I was wrong when I said Bernie will probably endorse Hillary before the convention. I was not wrong about what Bernie would continue to fight for. I’m not claiming he reads my articles, but there has never been a candidate for president closer to me politically. I’m not surprised we have the same demands going into Philadelphia. I can’t ask for more from Bernie than he is demanding and that I have already asked for.



Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott will be spending a year covering the presidential election from Iowa.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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How the Drone King Turned Assassination Into Counter-Terrorism Policy Print
Wednesday, 15 June 2016 08:22

Muhawesh writes: "On his third day in office, Obama authorized two drone strikes in Pakistan, killing over a dozen civilians. It set the tone for an administration that's killed thousands by weaponized unmanned aerial vehicles, the vast majority of whom did nothing to deserve their fate except for being in the wrong place at the wrong time."

Pakistanis protest last year against U.S. drone strikes. (photo: AFP/Getty Images)
Pakistanis protest last year against U.S. drone strikes. (photo: AFP/Getty Images)


How the Drone King Turned Assassination Into Counter-Terrorism Policy

By Mnar Muhawesh, MintPress News

15 June 16

 

Barack Obama launched more drones strikes in his first year in office than George W. Bush did in both of his terms combined. ‘Behind the Headline’ host and MintPress News editor-in-chief Mnar Muhawesh exposes what one military scholar called a global policy of assassination.

s President Barack Obama reaches the final stages of his presidency, for the general public, he will most likely be remembered for denuclearizing Iran and opening the door back up to Cuba. But will the Drone King also be remembered for normalizing targeted killings as a pillar of U.S. counter-terror policy?

On his third day in office, Obama authorized two drone strikes in Pakistan, killing over a dozen civilians.

It set the tone for an administration that’s killed thousands by weaponized unmanned aerial vehicles, the vast majority of whom did nothing to deserve their fate except for being in the wrong place at the wrong time; the vast majority of whom the U.S. fails to recognize as victims in the ever-expanding “war on terror.”

Perhaps that’s why, when it was announced in October 2009 that Obama would be that year’s recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, the president himself said he was “surprised” and felt undeserving of the award.

After all, he’d been in office for less than a year. And in that year, the U.S. was fighting two wars. Most of the Nobel Committee’s consideration of the green president revolved on campaign promises of helping to build a more peaceful world by scaling down U.S. militarism — promises distilled into two words: “Change” and “Hope.”

Let’s go back to look at those first two drone strikes, on January 23, 2009.

The first CIA drone flattened a house. Despite initial reports that the attack was a success, killing as many as 10 militants, including foreign fighters and possibly even a “high-value target,” later reports revealed something else: at least nine civilians were killed.

The lone survivor, Fahim Qureshi, suffered severe injuries — shrapnel wounds in his abdomen, a fractured skull, a lost eye. He was 14.

The second drone strike of the day killed five to ten people — all civilians.

This loss of innocent human life didn’t deter the Nobel Peace Prize winner from continuing to authorize drone strikes throughout both terms of his presidency. Even today, weaponized drones continue to rain down death and destruction as part of CIA efforts or other covert operations. These attacks have occurred most notably in Yemen, Pakistan, Somalia, and Afghanistan, though coalition airstrikes have occurred in Iraq and Syria, as well.

The Bureau of Investigative Journalism maintains an active database of reported drone strikes and casualties in Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia and Afghanistan. The bureau’s figures largely come from news sources and NGOs operating in these countries, not the official government figures that grossly misrepresent the deaths of civilians as “enemies killed in action.”

Since 2004, according to the bureau, Pakistan has been hit with the most drone strikes — an astounding 423. The vast majority of those strikes were authorized not by Dubya, who first got the drone program off the ground, but by the Nobel laureate himself, President Barack Obama.

In fact, the Bureau notes: “More strikes were launched during President Obama’s first year in office than during both terms of the Bush presidency.” Not quite the “Change” and “Hope” voters were expecting.

http://drones.pitchinteractive.com/

According to Pitch Interactive, of the 3,341 people have been killed in drone strikes in Pakistan since 2004, “Less than 2% of the victims are high-profile targets. The rest are civilians, children and alleged combatants.”

The Intercept provides an even more damn ing indictment of Obama’s drone program in its series called the Drone Papers, and in Jeremy Scahill’s recent book “The Assassination Complex.”

Scahill’s team at the Intercept analyzed classified documents provided to the organization by a whistleblower, who exposed the inner workings of Obama’s “drone wars.” Those documents highlight the program’s expansion of unconventional warfare both on and off “declared battlefields,” as well as an alarming lack of transparency and due process.

Drones, Scahill writes, “are a tool, not a policy. The policy is assassination.”

Indeed, the horrifying reality is that in this system devoid of transparency and accountability, innocent civilians are dying in far higher numbers than the “imminent threats” the drones are supposed to be targeting.

The leaked documents, which cover Operation Haymaker in northeastern Afghanistan, reveal that “during one five-month period of the operation … nearly 90 percent of the people killed in airstrikes were not the intended targets.” And the ratios may be much higher in Yemen and Somalia, where intelligence is more limited.

Speaking to Shadowproof’s Kevin Gosztola, Scahill explained the dehumanizing way in which drones seek and destroy their targets:

In addition to being dehumanizing, Obama’s drone wars rely on unreliable data and metadata — something even the Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance Task Force, a Pentagon entity, has acknowledged. In a secret 2013 report leaked to the Intercept, the ISR stated bluntly: “Kill operations significantly reduce the intelligence available.”

Aside from the obvious failings in intelligence, and without even broaching the morality of targeted killing campaigns, the drone wars operate in a hazy legal context. In 2013, Obama put forth policy guidelines that were theoretically meant to stop, or at least curtail, the use of drones. But, as Trevor Timm wrote for The Guardian last year, “it has become increasingly clear that the ‘rules’ are virtually meaningless and the Obama administration is setting a terrifying precedent for the next president who can change or expand them on a whim.”

Now, you’re probably thinking, “Ok, but drone strikes must at least be conducted within the framework of international law.” Actually, they’re also in contravention of international humanitarian and human rights law, as Amanda Bass and J. Celso Castro Alves point out in a Truth-Out report on divesting from drone manufacturers. They further note that “U.S. targeted killings arguably fit under the definition of crimes against humanity as defined in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.”

But how could this possibly be? Obama is a Nobel Peace Prize winner!

Well, even Geir Lundestad, the former non-voting Director of the Nobel Institute, wrote in his 2015 memoirs that awarding Obama the prize was “only partially correct” and “did not achieve what the committee had hoped for.”

In announcing the deliberately vague, and thus mostly useless, guidelines on drone use in 2013, Obama said: “It is a hard fact that U.S. strikes have resulted in civilian casualties, a risk that exists in every war. And for the families of those civilians, no words or legal construct can justify their loss.”

Of course, there is nothing that can soothe the pain of a grieving family. But that doesn’t mean it’s not worth trying. A good place to start might be in bringing an end to the program that’s normalized targeted killings as a pillar of U.S. counter-terror policy and pushing harder for greater transparency and accountability.

Hopefully the “Change” Obama promised is on the horizon.

Learn more about Obama’s assassination policy; Media censorship & war on whistleblowers:

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Would Unconditional Basic Income Make Us Happier? Print
Wednesday, 15 June 2016 08:17

Newman writes: "Some have questioned if the economy can function with a guaranteed minimum income. But few advocates or opponents have explored the policy's impact on people's emotional well-being."

Swiss proponents of basic income dump 8 million coins in a public square, one for each Swiss resident. (photo: Stefan Bohrer/flickr)
Swiss proponents of basic income dump 8 million coins in a public square, one for each Swiss resident. (photo: Stefan Bohrer/flickr)


Would Unconditional Basic Income Make Us Happier?

By Kira M. Newman, Yes! Magazine

15 June 16

 

Some have questioned if the economy can function with a guaranteed minimum income. But few advocates or opponents have explored the policy’s impact on people’s emotional well-being.

n June 5, Swiss voters weighed in on a referendum for universal basic income, a policy that would give every person, rich or poor, working or not, a modest amount of money per year—no strings attached.

Although Switzerland voted against the referendum, it’s the first time an entire country has weighed in on the idea. The United States and Canada conducted limited experiments with similar policies in the 1970s, but momentum stalled amid changing political tides and controversy over the results.

Now, basic income is back on the table. The technology investor Y Combinator plans to offer basic income to a group of Americans for five years and study what happens. The Canadian province of Ontario will be designing a basic income pilot as a way to support residents who are struggling in today’s labor market. Finland and the Netherlands have committed to basic income experiments that could reach more than 100,000 people, and the nonprofit GiveDirectly is raising $30 million to offer thousands of Kenyans a basic income for up to 15 years.

Not everyone is sold on the idea. Some have raised questions about its fiscal feasibility, while others have argued that people protected from risk may incur costs that others will have to pay.

But few advocates or opponents have explored the psychology of basic income—or highlighted research about the policy’s impact on people’s well-being. Admittedly, predicting the effects of widespread policy change is a bit like trying to look through a keyhole. But there are reasons to believe that basic income could make us happier and fundamentally alter—for good or for ill—our sense of motivation and meaning in life.

Happiness for the poor

A few years ago, University of Manitoba professor Evelyn Forget went looking for data on Canada’s 1970s guaranteed income experiment and found it in a warehouse in Winnipeg—all 1,800 dusty boxes of it. When funding for data analysis hadn’t come through, the paperwork had simply been loaded up into cardboard boxes and eventually shipped off to the National Archives.

Under “Mincome,” Canadian families who didn’t earn any income received an amount equal to 60 percent of the low-income cutoff (today, a total of about $10,000 for a family of four—“enough to add some cream to the coffee,” a participant said). For every dollar earned, benefits were reduced by 50 cents. The experiment ran for five years and reached the entire rural town of Dauphin, as well as some residents of Winnipeg.

After a bit of data gymnastics—cross-referencing data from other sources with what could be salvaged from the jumble—a picture started to emerge. Professor Forget found that, when their family received basic income, people had fewer doctor visits for mental health issues; they were less likely to be hospitalized for such issues, as well as for accidents; and high school students were less likely to drop out. In other words, basic income seemed to be a buffer against the obstacles that particularly afflict people who are struggling to make ends meet. If implemented as proposed in Switzerland, basic income might also reduce the stigma of receiving welfare, because it’s offered to everyone.

Similar results were found for a 2011-2013 GiveDirectly program that offered funds of around $400-$1,500—more than twice the monthly average household consumption—to rural families in Kenya. Kenyans who received the money not only reported becoming less stressed and depressed over the course of the experiment, but they also showed increases in happiness and life satisfaction. When women were the recipients, their worries decreased while their self-esteem increased. This hints at the potential of basic income to empower women, perhaps because it enables them to leave abusive relationships and make more of their own life choices.

These findings wouldn’t come as a surprise to Daniel Kahneman and Angus Deaton, authors of a seminal 2010 study on income and happiness. They found that money buys more happiness at incomes below a certain threshold (specifically, for Americans, up to an average annual household income of around $75,000). After that point—where, perhaps, families don’t have to worry about basic necessities anymore—the relationship between income and happiness breaks down.

“The evidence from various sources is that a basic income provides people with basic security, which increases their sense of control over life,” says Guy Standing, co-founder and co-president of the Basic Income Earth Network and a professor at the University of London.

Standing has a point, one that gets to the heart of what financial security means: control. Considerable psychological research suggests that a sense of autonomy is a basic human need, and acting from a place of autonomy has been associated with higher well-being, more creativity, more productivity, and less burnout.

“Basic income allows people to think farther into the future,” says Beth Rhodes, research director at Y Combinator. “You could cut back hours, spend time with a child, leave the labor market to get further training or education, make more decisions, and have a little bit more freedom, in that you’re not going to have to worry about how to pay rent.”

Knowing that whatever you do, you won’t starve or live on the streets is liberating—and that’s part of the promise of basic income.

A threat to motivation?

Basic income doesn’t only influence our access to resources; it also affects our relationship to work, and this effect is perhaps even harder to predict and less clearly positive. If we don’t absolutely have to work, will we still continue to toil away at our jobs? Would this liberation free us, or paralyze us with choice?

Around the 1970s, at the same time that Canada was testing guaranteed income in Manitoba, the United States conducted four experiments with a policy that provided payments to people who earned below a certain financial threshold, enabling them to reach that threshold—what’s called a “negative income tax.” These experiments reached more than 7,000 people, setting thresholds that varied from 50 to 150 percent of the poverty line.

People did work less—but it wasn’t as bad as media reports at the time suggested. Across all five experiments in the United States and Canada, husbands reduced their weekly work by up to 9 percent, while wives and single mothers reduced their work by up to 30 percent. In Canada, female spouses reentered the workforce more slowly after a break, perhaps allocating more time to child care. Teen men also worked less because they entered the workforce later, likely staying in school longer. Mostly, people weren’t actually working less per week but starting, going back to, or finding work more slowly—an outcome that isn’t inherently a negative one. Investing in education or taking more time to find the right job could be beneficial in the long term, both psychologically and financially.

This accords with a recent survey of more than 1,000 Swiss, only 2 percent of whom reported that they would completely stop working under basic income. Instead, 22 percent said they would start their own business or work for themselves, and 54 percent would pursue an academic degree.

As Yale University professor Amy Wrzesniewski and her colleagues explain in a recent paper, for some people work is merely a “job”—something they do for the money, a necessary evil that they would avoid if they could. But others have a “calling”—they get innate satisfaction from what they do and see themselves as contributing to the world. In the middle lie people with a “career,” who aren’t simply in it for the money but also value achievement and advancement in their field.

According to this formulation, people with a job might stop working, or at least find a different one, under a basic income scheme. But the rest of us have other reasons to show up at the office.

Unfortunately, we’re experiencing something of a crisis of meaning at work these days. According to a 2013 Gallup report surveying 230,000 workers in 142 countries, 63 percent of people were not engaged at work—unenergetic and checked out—and another 24 percent actively hated their jobs. Only 13 percent felt passionate about what they did on a daily basis.

Change attitudes first, income second

Barry Schwartz, a professor at Swarthmore College and author of Why We Work, lays part of the blame on our cultural attitudes.

As he explains, when society believes money is the only incentive to work, corporations feel free to design jobs that are monotonous and deadening. That saps motivation, and we start to internalize the view that “work” is something you do only for money, because you have to.

This is why Schwartz is pessimistic about how people would respond to basic income—at least in the short term. “People are shaped by the social institutions within which they live,” he says. “If you gave everybody enough to live on, it wouldn’t surprise me if people basically did just sit on their asses. It’s a real possibility that this would be a motivational disaster.”

Schwartz recalls an experiment he did about 40 years ago in a motivation course at Swarthmore College. At the beginning of the semester, he announced that everyone in the class would get a B, no matter how much work they did or didn’t do—think of it as “basic grades.” Students were assigned tests and papers, but their grades wouldn’t count; they would have to study because they wanted to learn.

In a humbling surprise, the experiment was an “abysmal failure”: Enthusiastic at first, students started lagging during midterm week, fell behind, and stopped coming to class; only 10 percent even turned in a term paper. But Schwartz didn’t blame the students; he blamed a university system and culture where grades are everything. “I have a feeling that something like this would happen if you took financial incentives away cold-turkey,” he says.

Workers might become the equivalent of college graduates supported by a trust fund, who don’t absolutely need to work and don’t know what they want to do with their lives. We aren’t all budding entrepreneurs bursting with the next big idea, simply held back by the steep price of ramen.

Che Wagner, a 25-year-old co-organizer of the movement for basic income in Switzerland, admits that basic income might make us all a bit uncomfortable. “The idea goes to the personal question: What are you doing in your life?” he says. “Is it actually what you want to do?” That might be a question that we’ve never asked ourselves before.

A more meaningful life

All that said, in the long term, Schwartz is optimistic that people receiving basic income would reconnect with their intrinsic motivation for meaningful, engaging work. He also believes that basic income could change working conditions for the better by giving workers a little more bargaining power—an idea endorsed by other academics.

“An unconditional basic income would make it easier for employees to leave unpleasant jobs,” writes Jan Ott, a researcher at Erasmus University Rotterdam. “It would stimulate employers to treat employees with respect.” If not, employees can leave—and not worry about putting food on the table while they search for a more fulfilling job and a healthier work environment.

And if people are able to find meaningful work, that would open up all the benefits that flow from having a calling, including higher job satisfaction, less stress and depression, more commitment, and a more meaningful life. If they’re able to cut back on their work hours, they could spend time nurturing other major sources of meaning in life, including relationships with their family, friends, and community.

“Work is a big source of meaning for us now,” says Rhodes from Y Combinator. “If there are a lot of people who lose jobs, we have to figure out a new way to find meaning—and if basic income fosters that community and that social engagement, that could be a real opportunity.”

There are other benefits that would even extend to more affluent people. As it turns out, reducing inequality is good for everyone, even those who are most well off. Recent research suggests that the rich are less interested in connecting with others, less able to read others’ emotions, less compassionate, less generous, and worse at savoring everyday pleasures—all associated with lower happiness. The happiest countries are the ones with the most equality, like the nations of Norway, Denmark, Finland, and Sweden.

None of those countries has adopted basic income. But it might be telling, after years of rising inequality in the United States and elsewhere, that basic income is suddenly part of the conversation. The controversy over this policy shows just how conflicted, confused, and hopeful we are about money and work, and their potential to contribute to a more meaningful life.

“It’s an extremely interesting question,” says Schwartz. “Anyone who thinks they know what will happen if this were to go into effect is kidding either you or themselves.”

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